Robert Mueller (the entire team) was put into place by Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein in 2017. The specific selection of Robert Mueller was an outcome of recommendations and advice from FBI Chief Legal Counsel, James Baker, and FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe.
In hindsight; and specifically against the backdrop of known illegal activity [remember, McCabe is under criminal referral] there was a motive of self-interest within Baker and McCabe, specifically to cover for the 2015/2016/2017 DOJ and FBI activity that preceded the firing of FBI Director James Comey.
From the initial perspective of self-interest, Mueller’s role had/has three essential aspects:
♦(1) Create an investigation – Just by creating the investigation it is then used as a shield by any corrupt FBI/DOJ official who would find himself/herself under downstream congressional investigation. Former officials being deposed/questioned by IG Horowitz or Congress could then say they are unable to answer those questions due to the ongoing special counsel investigation. In this way Mueller provides cover for officials.
♦(2) Use the investigation to keep any and all inquiry focused away from the corrupt DOJ and FBI activity that took place in 2016, 2016, 2017. Keep the media narrative looking somewhere, anywhere, other than directly at the epicenter of the issues. In this way, Mueller provides distraction and talking points against the Trump administration.
♦(3) Use the investigation to suck-up, absorb, any damaging investigative material that might surface as a result of tangentially related inquiry. Example: control the exposure of evidence against classified leak participants like SSCI Director of Security, James Wolfe. In this way Mueller provides cover for the institutions and the administrative state.
In all of these objectives the Mueller special counsel has been stunningly effective.
That leads to a discussion of the role of Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein.
All of the visible activity being conducted by Rosenstein has been going in one direction, and only one direction. That direction has been an intentional effort to keep as much of the damaging evidence hidden from public review and away from congressional oversight.
Back on October 7, 2017, House Intelligence Committee Chairman Devin Nunes pointed out that Rosenstein’s motives were to keep hidden the documentary evidence he was requesting President Trump to declassify. Rosenstein communicated to President Trump that Special Counsel Robert Mueller would consider any declassification of documents as “obstruction” within his investigation:
President Trump backed-down from requesting the declassification of documents and agreed to allow the Inspector General report to review and outline the material being discussed. This is a key point.
The takeaway from this framework tells us that DAG Rod Rosenstein, and Special Counsel Robert Mueller, wanted to put the substantive issues under the purview of the IG. There’s a strategic aspect to this which has remained un-discussed.
However, before getting to the IG motive, allow me to emphasize how much the current corrupt DOJ activity (Rosenstein/Mueller) is not isolated to FISA abuse and documents the usurping officials want to keep hidden.
The agenda to hide corrupt activity also flows outward and can be found in the DOJ behavior surrounding James Wolfe; the busted Senate Intelligence Security Official who was caught leaking the classified FISA application to the media.
Despite overwhelming evidence James Wolfe was not indicted for the more serious charges of leaking classified intelligence. The decision was made by DAG Rod Rosenstein because AG Jeff Sessions was recused. An intellectually honest review of what was/is taking place would indicate the *CURRENT* DOJ, controlled by the actions of Rod Rosenstein, needed to hide what was taking place as evidenced in the original indictment.
James Wolfe became a benefactor of current DOJ officials who are protecting the institutions within the administrative state and hiding the fingerprints of the officials, and congressional allies (Vice Chairman Mark Warner), who engaged in activity in 2016 and 2017.
These corrupt DOJ and FBI officials are not protecting Wolfe as much as they are protecting themselves and their institution(s). This effort transparently includes Rosenstein, FBI Director Christopher Wray, Deputy FBI Director David Bowditch and current FBI general counsel Dana Boente; as well as all the second level and third level carry-over career officials.
The efforts of Rosenstein, Wray, Bowditch, Boente et al, to cover-up the institutional corruption extends far beyond their blocking activity of the declassification requests; and shows up in the lack of substance behind the Wolfe plea agreement when compared to the devastating evidence within the original indictment.
There is a clear pattern. In addition to the disparity of outcome within the Wolfe indictment/plea deal we exhibit: redactions in material evidence provided to congress; refusal to release material to congress; fighting declassification of documents that would be damaging to the previous officials; refusal to discuss events with congress by officials who hide behind the shield of the Mueller investigation; the list is long.
Additionally, the Mueller control agenda also extends into the two previous IG reports submitted by DOJ Inspector Michael Horowitz.
With Robert Mueller in charge of an ongoing investigation, the two previous IG reports (1. Investigation of McCabe and 2. Clinton email/FBI bias) could not outline anything tangentially connected to the Mueller investigation without first passing through his teams approval and review.
That level of Mueller influence kept the most severe elements of investigative sunlight away from public review.
These officials defending the administrative state are still in place. We know they are in place because their influential conduct is visible. Three of them are inarguable:
(1) By redacting innocuous, albeit highly damaging information, within the Lisa Page and Peter Strzok text messages and emails. Officials within the agencies are hiding information and even eliminating the most damaging material.
(2) By controlling what records IG Horowitz has access to; in addition to who he is interviewing. The IG is only as effective as the material he has to review.
(3) By shaping the executive summaries of the two previous IG reports to ensure the specific material within the report is diluted as much as possible in the summary and conclusions.
The collaborative efforts of the current group of corrupt officials, maintaining the administrative state, was also evident in the hit job against Judge Brett Kavanaugh. Those former DOJ/FBI officials (Bromwich, McLean, Laufman, etc.), who were/are part of the Blasey-Ford construct, were clearly working with a set of current officials. [This collaborative interest extends to people within government (the legislative branch) and those outside government (media allies).] We saw surface it live on television.
The appearance of former DOJ lawyer Michael Sussmann working with Perkins Coie and on behalf of the DNC, to feed information to former FBI legal counsel James Baker, only highlights this systemic collaboration and corruption within the DOJ and FBI. That corruption has not been addressed; it is currently being protected from sunlight.
This landscape is inarguable. There is no debate as to the visibility within the current administrative state.
In essence, and against the understanding of how these officials manipulated the recusal of AG Jeff Sessions; DAG Rod Rosenstein, FBI Director Christopher Wray, Deputy FBI Director David Bowditch, FBI Chief Legal Counsel Dana Boente, Special Counsel Robert Mueller and the affiliated network of political operatives within the DOJ/FBI; this crew has held free reign to shape everything in the past two years.
That is why there has been ZERO progress.
For the first IG report on Andrew McCabe, and the Second IG report on FBI misconduct and bias, Jeff Sessions was essentially recused from any input or structural oversight because each of the aforementioned IG investigations crossed over into 2016 campaign review and/or the FBI-DOJ counterintelligence operation (Russia).
On this third IG report, looking into FISA abuse, Matt Whitaker has replaced Jeff Sessions.
♦Background: On March 28th, 2018, the DOJ Office of Inspector General Michael Horowitz formerly announced an additional investigation of how the U.S. Department of Justice and Federal Bureau of Investigation engaged with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) in matters relating to the FISA Title-1 application filed against U.S. person Carter Page. However, one part of the OIG notification was generously overlooked by a defensive and IC compliant media:
As part of this examination, the OIG also will review information that was known to the DOJ and the FBI at the time the applications were filed from or about an alleged FBI confidential source. Additionally, the OIG will review the DOJ’s and FBI’s relationship and communications with the alleged source as they relate to the FISC applications. (pdf link)
Two months later on Monday May 21st, driven by demands and questions from President Trump, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein added a significant DOJ mandate to the Inspector General review. Rosenstein expanded the original FISA review to include looking at whether officials within the intelligence community may have unlawfully used human intelligence assets to “spy” or “surveil” the Trump campaign:
“The Department has asked the Inspector General to expand the ongoing review of the FISA application process to include determining whether there was any impropriety or political motivation in how the FBI conducted its counterintelligence investigation of persons suspected of involvement with the Russian agents who interfered in the 2016 presidential election.” (link)
If my hunch is correct, this is one of the key background objectives of having AAG Matthew Whitaker in place. Whitaker removes the ability of current officials from watering-down the IG report; as they did in the previous two releases.
This puts a timeline in place for President Trump to keep Whitaker around and delay any replacement nomination until after the IG report is published.
The IG process for the FISA report is structural. Once the interviews and investigation is complete the “IG referencer” phase takes several weeks. The referencer could be a person or a group of people depending on the size of the report.
The referencer has the responsibility for going through every statement of fact and providing the citation or footnote for the assertion. The person(s) doing the reference review has/have the most arduous of tasks.
The referencer checks every sentence, every assertion, and ensures only provable facts with citations are part of the report. Every assertion of fact must be cited (or footnoted) to include the investigative material that proves the fact. After the footnotes, citations and all fact assemblies are reconciled a draft report is written. The Draft Report encompasses the findings.
The Draft Report is then reviewed by the DOJ and sent to the principals for review. It is in-between the time frame where the draft is completed, and IG is awaiting the responses from the principals, where interference from any corrupt DOJ official takes place. This is also when the “Executive Summary” is written, with influence from the administrative state, that tamps-down the findings. As we saw in IG report #2 (FBI bias) the executive summary completely downplayed the evidence within the report.
The ‘Draft Report review’ phase allows the principals (those who’s behavior, action and conduct, is outlined in the report) to provide input on the facts identified and outlined within the draft. Normally this part of the process takes at least two to three weeks. Responses from the principals about the facts outlined in the draft report are then reviewed, cleared for addition if appropriate, and included in the final report.
The “executive summary” is added; and then the final report goes to print and is released to the public.
The switch from a recused Jeff Sessions to a non-recused Acting AG in Matthew Whitaker has completely changed the risk dynamic for the corrupt internal officials. This is why all voices are now focused to remove Whitaker.
Whitaker is now President Trump’s most valuable weapon in the ongoing battle against a bipartisan and corrupt administrative state.
More to follow…