Tony Lyons On The Two Books He Considers The Most Revolutionary Today


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

Natalie Winters on the Foreign Company That Built Biden’s CBP One App and Its National Security Implications


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

MIKE HOWELL: From The Moment Trump Promised Mass Deportations, Special Interests And RINOs Have Sought To Undermine Them


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

ELIZABETH MITCHELL: The White House Office Of Science And Technology Policy Is Crafting A National AI Framework, And Every Red-State Bill Limiting AI Raises The Bar They Have To Clear


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

BANNON: If Trump Had Not Won In ’16, We Would Have Lost The Country. You Saw It With The Angel Families Yesterday; He Truly Cares About The American People. He Didn’t Care About Cocktail Bars Or Georgetown Invites


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

CLETA MITCHELL: The Main Problem At The DOJ Is Not A Lack Of Talent But A Lack Of Will And Killer Instinct


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

MIKE DAVIS: This One Shocked Me. The Law Firm Jones Day, Which Represented Trump, Is Now Adverse To Him In The J.P. Morgan Debanking Lawsuit


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

BANNON: Pat McCrory, Let Me Be Blunt. Brother, You Are A Bald-Faced Liar. In 2016, President Trump, With Mark Meadows And The Team, Pulled North Carolina Out By 1-1.5 Points


Posted originally on Rumble on Bannon War Room on: February 24, 2326

Confidence in US Government – 1958 to Now


Posted originally on Feb 25, 2026 by Martin Armstrong |  

Confidence wide

When the National Election Study first asked the question in 1958, about 73% of Americans said they trusted the federal government to do what is right most or all of the time. Today, that number has collapsed to roughly 17%, one of the lowest readings in nearly seven decades. This is not a partisan anomaly. It is a structural decline that began in the 1960s and 1970s during the Vietnam War, Watergate, and rising economic instability, and it has never fully recovered since.

Confidence is the foundation of every political and economic system. I have said countless times that inflation, currency crises, and civil unrest are not merely monetary events, but rather, they are confidence events. When trust in government falls, people begin to disengage from institutions, question policy legitimacy, and ultimately shift capital and allegiance away from public systems. Pew data shows rising frustration across both parties, with roughly half of Americans in each political camp describing themselves as frustrated with the federal government.

Economic Confidence Model Public to Private Wave 1929 2032

Even in recent years, only about two in ten Americans say they trust Washington to do what is right most or all of the time, while the majority say they trust it only some of the time or never. That is a profound psychological shift.

Trust tends to rise during external crises and collapse during prolonged domestic political conflict. After 9/11, trust temporarily rebounded, yet the long-term trend resumed downward following wars, financial crises, and political polarization. This cyclical behavior aligns perfectly with the broader Economic Confidence Model. Institutional trust peaks during periods of perceived unity and declines during fragmentation and fiscal stress.

Declining trust in government is one of the most reliable leading indicators of political restructuring. The late Roman Republic saw collapsing confidence in the Senate before the rise of authoritarian rule. The French monarchy lost legitimacy long before the financial crisis triggered the revolution. Confidence always breaks before structural change becomes visible.

When the National Election Study first asked the question in 1958, about 73% of Americans said they trusted the federal government to do what is right most or all of the time. Today, that figure has fallen to roughly 17%, placing confidence near the lowest levels in nearly seventy years. This is not a minor fluctuation tied to one administration. It is a structural decline that began in the 1960s amid war, political scandal, and economic volatility and has trended downward ever since.

Confidence is the real foundation of any political and economic system. Inflation, debt crises, and social unrest are confidence events. As trust in government deteriorates, the public disengages from institutions, questions policy, and shifts capital and behavior away from public systems they no longer believe are acting in their interest.

The data show that only a small minority of Americans now trust Washington to do what is right most of the time, while the overwhelming majority say they trust it only some of the time or never. That represents a profound psychological shift from the postwar era, when government was widely viewed as competent.

Looking forward to the 2032 ECM turning point, the trajectory of government confidence in the United States is unlikely to stage a sustained recovery. The Economic Confidence Model implies that we are in a phase of declining public-sector confidence and rising skepticism toward centralized authority into the late 2020s. That does not mean an immediate collapse, but rather continued volatility in trust, punctuated by brief rallies during crises followed by deeper erosion as fiscal pressures, political polarization, and institutional overreach intensify. As we approach 2032, the model suggests a further migration of confidence away from government and toward private assets, alternative systems, and localized structures of governance.

Kaja Kallas Against War?


Posted originally on Feb 25, 2026 by Martin Armstrong |  

Kaja Kallas

Top EU Neocon Kaja Kallas is against war, well, she’s against war that does not benefit her. “We don’t need another war in this region. We already have a lot,” Kallas said in regard to US and Iran tensions.

Europe is facing an existential crisis over Russia, and Kallas herself has repeatedly framed Moscow as the primary enemy whose very existence threatens the entire continent. That position has dominated EU policy for years, with enormous political, military, and financial capital already committed to Ukraine and the confrontation with Russia. In that light, her warning that “the region does not need a new war” if tensions with Iran escalate is less about humanitarian restraint and more about geopolitical prioritization.

Europe has been pouring funding, weapons, and political capital into the Ukrainian conflict, and the last thing Brussels wants is the United States shifting military attention to the Middle East. If Washington becomes consumed by Iran, the burden of confronting Russia shifts back onto Europe, which is economically and militarily unprepared to handle it alone. Europe has been scheming ways to defend itself without the US, but the truth of the matter is that US protection has been embedded in every defense mechanism since the end of World War II.

Kallas even acknowledged that Iran is currently in a weakened position and that this moment should be used for diplomacy rather than escalation. “We should really be using this time to find a diplomatic solution,” Kallas commented, yet, simultaneously refuses to acknowledge any possibility of peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine.

EU Neocons do not want their top financier to stretch its finances and manpower. Worse, the EU certainly does not want to provide its own resources to assist its ally in combating a conflict in the Middle East.