Time to close the TSA


TSA is a joke and like most government agencies is only interested in two things the preservation of that agency and increased pay and benefits.

deacon303's avatarWhiskey Tango Foxtrot

Fourteen years after the creation of the TSA, there is still no indication that the agency has ever caught a terrorist, or foiled a 9/11-type plot in the offing. Conversely, there are reams of reports documenting the inability of TSA screeners to spot hidden guns, knives, bomb components, and other dangerous contraband as they pass through airport checkpoints. It’s doubtful that anyone is still capable of being surprised by a fresh confirmation of the TSA’s incompetence — even if members of Congress do sometimes feign alarm for the sake of the folks back home.

Let’s face it: The Transportation Security Administration, which annually costs taxpayers more than $7 billion, should never have been created. The responsibility for airport security should never have been federalized, let alone entrusted to a bloated, inflexible workforce. Former TSA administrator Kip Hawley calls it “a national embarrassment that our airport security system remains…

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Cleveland VA Medical Center Opens First Veterans’ Transgender Clinic


Just what i needed to experience when I go there … . 😦

Donald Trump: We will have a ‘deportation force’


Trump is 100% right there really is no choice in this: if this isn’t done then America is gone!

Senator Ted Cruz Did Support TPA – and Secretary Kerry asked China To Join TPP a Week ago…


Prior to this i was a Cruz supporter now all we have left is Trump since Carson’s support is all apparently twitter and face book fictitious and paid for.

Govt. Researchers: Flu Shots Not Effective in Elderly, After All


Re-Post from Sharyl Attkisson’s blog November 10, 2015

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(Above image: a nurse interests a passerby in flu shot information. Courtesy: NCIRD/OD/HCSO Flu vaccination communications team)

An important and definitive “mainstream” government study done nearly a decade ago got little attention because the science came down on the wrong side. It found that after decades and billions of dollars spent promoting flu shots for the elderly, the mass vaccination program did not result in saving lives. In fact, the death rate among the elderly increased substantially.

The authors of the study admitted a bias going into the study. Here was the history as described to me: Public health experts long assumed flu shots were effective in the elderly. But, paradoxically, all the studies done failed to demonstrate a benefit. Instead of considering that they, the experts, could be wrong–instead of believing the scientific data–the public health experts assumed the studies were wrong. After all, flu shots have to work, right?

So the NIH launched an effort to do “the” definitive study that would actually prove, for the first time, once and for all, that flu shots were beneficial to the elderly. The government would gather some of the brightest scientific minds for the research, and adjust for all kinds of factors that could be masking that presumed benefit.

But when they finished, no matter how they crunched the numbers, the data kept telling the same story: flu shots were of no benefit to the elderly. Quite the opposite. The death rate had increased markedly since widespread flu vaccination among older Americans. The scientists finally had to acknowledge that decades of public health thought had been mistaken.

Read the government study that found no flu shot benefit in elderly

In 2006, lead author Lone Simonsen spoke with me on the phone and agreed to do an on camera interview with me on her study results, which she felt were very important. However, her bosses at the National Institutes of Health blocked the interview. I ended up finding one of her co-authors who was independent from the government and was able to interview him. These study authors who were honest, at their own career peril, should be commended.

After the Simonsen study, many international studies also arrived at the same conclusion. You probably haven’t heard much about these “incendiary” findings. Too much money being made promoting flu shots?

Read Simonsen’s commentary on her study

Read current CDC flu information

Here’s my original video story on the topic.

Transcript below:

Flu shots and elderly, CBS News, Sharyl Attkisson
2006
Millions of seniors swear by their annual flu shots. After all, 90% of the people killed by the flu are 65 or older. But CBS News has learned that behind the scenes, public health officials have come to a new and disturbing conclusion: mass vaccinations of the elderly haven’t done the job. Dr. Walter Orenstein was among the first to notice the problem when he headed up the Centers for Disease Control’s national immunization program. He says it’s now become a consensus among public health experts.
Dr. Orenstein: “What is absolutely clear is that there is still a substantial burden of deaths and hospitalizations out there that has not been prevented through the present strategy.”
Here’s what scientists have found. Over 20 years, the percentage of seniors getting flu shots increased sharply from 15% to 65%. It stands to reason that flu deaths among the elderly should have taken a dramatic dip making an “X” graph like this (refers to graphic). Instead, flu deaths among the elderly continued to climb. It was hard to believe, so researchers at the National Institutes of Health set out to do a study adjusting for all kinds of factors that could be masking the true benefits of the shots. But no matter how they crunched the numbers, they got the same disappointing result: flu shots had not reduced deaths among the elderly. It’s not what health officials hoped to find. NIH wouldn’t let us interview the study’s lead author. So we went to Boston and found the only co-author of the study not employed by NIH: Dr. Tom Reichert.
Dr. Reichert: “We realized we had incendiary material.”
Dr. Reichert said they thought their study would prove vaccinations helped.
Dr. Reichert: “We were trying to do something mainstream. That’s for sure.”

Sharyl: “Were you surprised?”
Dr. Reichert: “Astonished.”

Sharyl: “Did you check the data a couple of times to make sure?”
Dr. Reichert: “Well, even more than that. We’ve looked at other countries now and the same is true.”
That international study, soon to be published, finds the same poor results in Australia, France, Canada and the UK. And other new research stokes the idea that decades of promoting flu shots in seniors, and the billions spent, haven’t had the desired result. The current head of national immunizations confirms CDC is now looking at new strategies, but stops short of calling the present strategy a failure.

Dr. Anne Schuchat: “There’s an active dialogue about how we can do better to prevent influenza and its complications in the elderly.”
So what’s an older person to do? The CDC says they should still get their flu shots. That it could make the flu less severe or prevent problems not reflected in the total numbers. But watch for CDC to likely shift in the near future more toward protecting the elderly in a roundabout way by pushing to vaccinate more children and others around the who could give them the flu. (Note: the government quickly followed this news with a recommendation to vaccinate children and infants for flu.)

 

This explanation of where we are in society right now is actually very good!


Civil Unrest, Revolution, & the Phase Transition Curve

1-The Protest of Truth

Political corruption is everywhere, no matter what country we look at. Standing up for the truth will become increasingly prominent. This is part of the War Cycle – the civil unrest side. Career politicians and the mainstream media simply do not get it. They assume this is normal; no one ever said anything about them robbing us blind before, so they do not understand why people are becoming mad now.

What we just saw in Burma demonstrates that the computer is correct. Correlating these trends has enabled the computer to see decades into the future. Although others take current facts and try to fit it to a cycle to pretend they can forecast such things, these types of trends are set in motion decades in advance and move slowly until we see a real boiling point.

Boiling Water

Water takes a lot of energy to heat up. The amount of energy it takes to actually heat water is very well established. A calorie is the amount of energy it takes to heat one gram (1 mℓ) of water by 1°C. This can be expressed as 1 kcal = 4184 J, which is how much energy it takes to heat one kilogram (or liter) of water by 1°C. Therefore, 1 Btu = 1055 J, which is the amount of energy it takes to heat one pound of water by 1°F. Now, when we actually chart the progression of heating a pot of water, we discover a phase transition, meaning we are reaching the point when we convert the liquid water into a gas and see steam.

BoilingCurve

So if I want to take 500 mℓ of water from 18°C to boil, I need to expend 82×0.5 kcal to get the job done, or 171.6 kJ. It takes a lot of energy to boil a pot of water. The economy functions in the same manner. We progressively turn up the heat and then all of a sudden it enters a phase transition and erupts almost out of nowhere. This is the nonlinear progression of a boiling pot of water. Politics amounts to the same type of progressive curve.

On the Addiction to Cell Phones


Post By Paul Eidelberg

It has been reported that 66 percent of Americans are addicted to their cell phones, which suggests they are bonded to these electronic devices.

This report struck me as most disturbing. It suggests not only a pervasive sense of insecurity, but also of “individualistic loneliness.”

“Individualistic loneliness” is inevitable in a mass, technological society. This loneliness is magnified by the breakdown of the family on the one hand, and by the eclipse of God on the other.

Small wonder that same-sex marriage has was sanctified by the U.S. Supreme Court. Since the Progressive Era, the Court has been an engine of anti-traditionalism, of a normless freedom, of a leveling egalitarianism, hence of skepticism and atheism – all of which magnifies insecurity and individualistic loneliness.

Nietzsche saw this in the last quarter of the 19th century, at the pinnacle of atomistic individualism.  Never, he said, was the world so lacking in love.

Love begins in the family, and there is no greater enemy of the family than the ever-encroaching State and its consortium of experts, the university.

The ascendancy of the state – of statism – begins in the 19th century. It applies to the socialist or welfare state as well as to the fascist state. And what was Nazism if not National Socialism?

Statism is the goal of the Obama administration. Witness his pro-Marxist orientation.

Marxism has much in common with Islam. Both reject the sovereign national state. Both are expansionist; both reject international borders; both are based on the primacy of force or coercion in contradistinction to the primacy of reason and moral suasion. And both can only be overcome by violence.

The cell phone makes countless people feel active when in fact it renders them passive. It is the ultimate democratic instrument, hence utterly destructive of deference, without which there is no bold and creative leadership

Today’s Moral Crisis: Genuine versus Decadent Liberalism


Post by Prof. Paul Eidelberg

We all know that moral decay is permeating what is now called “post-Christian” Europe. Our best informed commentators know that this decay has been propagated for many decades by European universities steeped in the doctrine of moral relativism, which denies the existence of any moral norms or standards for judging what is good or bad, right or wrong. This moral relativism is now rampant in the United States, where anti-American academics are corrupting our youth and are creating a moral vacuum diametrically opposed to genuine American liberalism.

Genuine or classical liberalism made America the greatest nation on earth. This liberalism is rooted in America’s foundational document, the Declaration of Independence, the document that derives morality not from the changing wills and interests of minorities and majorities but from the eternal “Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God.”

That was normative liberalism, not normless or post-modern liberalism.  Normative liberalism differs profoundly from the normless or pseudo liberalism that has long been brainwashing Americans, including Americans who have become our opinion makers and decision makers. Normless liberalism is devoid of rational and ethical constraints. Indeed, this pseudo-liberalism is a mental disorder. It the enormous increase of Americans suffering from anxiety, alienation, and related mental maladies, as discussed in my essay “The Malaise of Modern Psychology” (Journal of Psychology, Vol. 126, No. 2, March 1992), and more recently in An American Political Scientist in Israel (2010).

I call this normless liberalism “Demophrenia,” because it is most prevalent in decayed liberal democracies, including Israel, which displays a high incidence of political schizophrenia. The negative symptoms of this schizophrenia is prominent among Israeli Prime Ministers, indicated as follows:

(1) Escapism [note that their policy of “territory or peace” is in fact a refusal to take Islam’s bellicose ideology seriously;

(2) Apathy [note their milquetoast attitude toward Arab butchery;

(3) Depersonalization [note their avoidance personal accountability];

(4)  Stereotypic Behavior [note their fixation on the failed and fatal policy of “land for peace”];

(5) Lack of self-esteem [note how these PMs grovel before world opinion];

(6) Irrational emphasis on the efficacy of reason or persuasion against an Islamic ideology rooted in the primacy of force and coercion.

Having already enlarged on the mental disorder of liberalism-cum-demophrenia, let me reiterate some remarks in my book, American Exceptionalism (Israel-America Renaissance Institute 2012). What I am about to say should be pondered by Israeli leaders who, like their American counterparts, need to revive their ancient faith in the Bible of Israel, whose moral standards constitute the foundation of American greatness, nay, of American Exceptionalism.

Americans need to be reminded that liberal education in colonial America, which was profoundly influenced by the Bible of Israel, extolled human greatness and condemned human wickedness. It seems to have been forgotten that when ethical and intellectual monotheism reigned in America, freedom was not living as you like, and religion was not a mental straitjacket, which is why Alexis Tocqueville was struck by America’s harmonious combination of political and religious freedom.

This happy state of affairs produced liberal gentlemen who could be friends despite their differences. They could be friends because what gentlemen have in common is more significant than their differences. And what was more significant to eighteenth-century Americans than the ethical and intellectual monotheism of the Bible of Israel?

It was this monotheism that nurtured the civility manifested in the debates of the Constitutional Convention. We see such civility in the Declaration of Independence, which speaks of “a decent respect to the opinions of mankind.” Evident here is the language of gentlemen and of classical liberalism.

The religious tolerance exemplified by America’s monotheistic society did not extend tolerance to intolerance – certainly not one that threatens public order or the laws of the Constitution [like Islam’s Sharia].

Nor did America’s religious tolerance preclude criticism of any religion or pseudo-religious creed. Jefferson spoke of “false religions.” Far more significant, ponder the case of People v. Ruggles (8 Johns, R. 290 N.Y. 1811), in which New York’s Chief Justice Chancellor James Kent, the great commentator on American law, delivered the opinion of the Court:

The offence charged is that the defendant did wickedly, maliciously, and blasphemously utter, in the presence and hearing of divers good and Christian people, these … scandalous, malicious, wicked and blasphemous words, to wit, “Jesus Christ was a bastard, and his mother must be a whore;” and the single question is, whether this be a public offence by the law of the land.…Such words, uttered with such a disposition, were an offence at common law. [Cases cited, wherein] the court were careful to say, that they did not intend to include disputes between learned men upon particular controverter points….

Such offences have always been considered independent of any religious establishment or the rights of the church. They are treated as affecting the essential interests of civil society… We stand equally in need, now as formerly, of all the moral discipline, and of those principles of virtue, which help to bind society together. The people of this state, in common with the people of this country, profess the general doctrines of Christianity, as the rule of their faith and practice; and to scandalize the author of these doctrines is not only, in a religious point of view, extremely impious, but, even in respect to the obligations due to society, is a gross violation of decency and good order….

The free, equal, and undisturbed, enjoyment of religious opinion, whatever it may be, and free and decent discussions on any religious subject, is granted and secured; but to revile, with malicious and blasphemous contempt, the religion professed by almost the whole community, is an abuse of that right. Nor are we bound, by any expressions in the Constitution, as some have strangely supposed, either not to punish at all, or to punish indiscriminately the like attacks upon the religion of Mahomet or of the grand Lama; and for this plain reason, that the case assumes that we are a Christian people, and the morality of the country is deeply engrafted upon Christianity, and not upon the doctrines or worship of those impostors.… (emphasis added).

Though the constitution has discarded religious establishments, it does not forbid judicial cognizance of those offences against religion and morality which have no reference to any such establishment, or to any particular form of government, but are punishable because they strike at the root of moral obligation, and weaken the security of the social ties.

A unanimous court agreed with Chancellor Kent’s ruling. Moreover, Kent’s position was later affirmed by the United States Supreme Court in the case of Vidal v. Girard’s Executors, 43 U.S. 2 How. 127 (1844). Justice Joseph Story, esteemed as a “father of American Jurisprudence” and appointed to the Supreme Court by James Madison, delivered the court’s unanimous opinion. He said, in part: “Christianity … is not to be maliciously and openly reviled and blasphemed against, to the annoyance of believers or the injury of the public.” Nor is this all. Justice Story’s position on the First Amendment virtually extols Christianity. In his celebrated Commentary on Constitution of the United States (1840), he writes:

We are not to attribute this prohibition of a national religious establishment [in the First Amendment] to an indifference to religion in general, and especially to Christianity (which none could hold in more reverence than the framers of the Constitution)…. Probably, at the time of the adoption of the Constitution, and of the [first] Amendment to it now under consideration, the general, if not the universal, sentiment in America was, that Christianity ought to receive encouragement from the State so far as was not incompatible with the private rights of conscience and the freedom of religious worship. Any attempt to level all religions, and to make it a matter of state policy to hold all in utter indifference, would have created universal disapprobation, if not universal indignation.

To substantiate the arguments of Chancellor Kent and Justice Story, let us mention Fisher Ames (1758-1808), a Harvard graduate. Mr. Ames, who was elected president of Harvard in 1804 but declined the position because of ill-health, is regarded as one of America’s “forgotten founding fathers.” Ames was an outspoken supporter of the Bible’s central role in all of education.

As a first-session congressman he said, “Should not the Bible regain the place it once held as a schoolbook? Its morals are pure, its examples are captivating and noble.”  It was Fisher Ames who suggested the wording of the First Amendment, which was adopted by the House of Representatives: “Congress shall make no law establishing religion, or to prevent the free exercise thereof, or to infringe the rights of conscience.” In its final form the first amendment to the United States Constitution reads, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.”

Before proceeding, consider only the religious clause of the First Amendment: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” We see here that Congress – hence the national government – is prohibited from establishing a national religion. It is not prohibited from enacting laws affecting religion, so long as those laws do not prevent the “free exercise thereof.”

To the contrary, it is the constitutional duty of Congress to protect the free exercise of religion. Nothing in the First Amendment refers to “separation of church and state.” Neither the word “separation” nor the word “church” nor the word “state” appears in the First Amendment. The Founding Fathers, including Jefferson, fully understood that the purpose of the First Amendment was to protect rather than prevent public religious expression, as is clearly evident in the 200-year chronology of religious affirmations enumerated [and elsewhere documented].

That chronology makes nonsense of the “separation of church and state” dogma intoned by secularists. It was one of many instances of judicial despotism to prohibit a student from reading his Bible during his free time or even to open the Bible in school. (Gerki v. Platzer, 1989). As outrageous, it is now unconstitutional for a classroom library to contain books that deal with Christianity, or for a teacher to be seen with a personal copy of the Bible at school. (Roberts v. Madigan 1990).

In Jefferson’s famous letter to the Danbury Baptists of January 1, 1802, in which he thanked them for their “kind prayers” upon his election to the presidency, assured them that the free exercise of their religion was an inalienable right, there was a “wall of separation between church and state” that would prevent the (new) government from interfering with or hindering the free exercise of their religious activities. It was not until the mid-twentieth century that Jefferson’s “wall of separation” phrase was tendentiously extracted from his letter – by no means a dictum of any court – to strike down as unconstitutional any public act or endorsement of any written or spoken word, or even silent meditation, that could be construed to have religious—but especially Christian—significance­!

What is more, the term “religion” has been so debased that it includes not only atheism and satanic cults, but any personal belief or lifestyle. This makes a mockery of the words and deeds of the statesmen who exalted Christianity since the days of George Washington and who traced the blessings of America to that religion.

Unless this degradation is arrested, America will become, like Europe, a post-Christian country. What is more, the resulting spiritual vacuum will be filled by nihilism and the totalitarianism of Islam propagated by a thousand mosques across the land. This would be the deadly consequences of replacing normative or classical liberalism with normless or contemporary relativism—the reigning mental disorder of our time.

Why Liberal Democracy is Boring as well as Decadent


Post by Paul Eidelberg

To understand why democracy today is decadent and deadly, one can hardly do better than consult Alexis de Tocqueville.

His classic, Democracy in America, is more relevant today than when it was written in the 1830s. My colleague, Professor Will Morrisey of Hillsdale College, elaborated on this subject in relation to American foreign policy.

Here I will focus on one of Tocqueville’s most important insights, rendered all the relevant today because of the nihilism and atheism propagated by American universities.

In Tocqueville’s time, American universities were church-affiliated, and seriously so.  The intellectual class, if not entirely religious, was noticeably shaped by religion; even men like Jefferson retained many of the sturdier qualities that religion fosters: discipline, perseverance, wholehearted dedication to a cause.  From Puritanism on, Americans had found in their religions means of both spiritual and temporal satisfaction.  By “giving men a general habit of conducting themselves with a view to eternity, religions reveal “the great secret of success” in this world; they teach men not to “turn from day to day to chase some novel object or desire,” but to “have settled designs which they are never weary of pursuing.  The social stability provided by the belief in eternity served as ballast for a ship that otherwise would have swayed uncontrollably in the unpredictable gusts of democratic opinion.

For “no sooner do [men] despair of living forever, than they are disposed to act as if they were to exist for a single day.” He elaborates:

In skeptical ages it is always to be feared…that men may perpetually give way to their daily casual desires, and that, wholly renouncing whatever cannot be acquired without protracted effort, they may establish nothing great, permanent, and calm….In these countries in which, unhappily, irreligion and democracy coexist, philosophers and those in power ought to be always striving to place the objects of human actions for beyond men’s immediate range.

As religious faith declined among the intellectuals in the latter half of the nineteenth century and was replaced by faith in science and social progress, institutional Christianity metamorphosed.  It did not disappear but became secularized, materialist, with a worldly compassion and a worldly paradise replacing caritas and Heaven.  In the domain of foreign policy, the apolitical character of Christianity – “resist not evil,” “turn the other cheek,” “love thine enemy” – has reinforced the liberal democratic tendency toward pacifism and appeasement evident in the Vietnam anti-war movement: “make love, not war.” Today, “make love, not war” animates President Obama’s “outreach” policy: Islamic dictatorships have taken the place of the Soviet Union.

The decadence underlying this liberalism was being prepared long before Vietnam. The most influential has been university-bred doctrine of moral relativism. Tocqueville anticipated this sort of thing. In his time, American universities were church-affiliated, and seriously so.  The intellectual class, if not entirely religious, was noticeably shaped by religion; even men like Jefferson retained many of the sturdier qualities that religion fosters: discipline, perseverance, wholehearted dedication to a cause.  From Puritanism on, Americans had found in their religions means of both spiritual and temporal satisfaction.  By “giving men a general habit of conducting themselves with a view to eternity, religions reveal “the great secret of success” in this world; they teach men not to “turn from day to day to chase some novel object or desire,” but to “have settled designs which they are never weary of pursuing.” The social stability provided by the belief in eternity served as ballast for a ship that otherwise would have swayed uncontrollably in the unpredictable gusts of democratic opinion.

For “no sooner do [men] despair of living forever, than they are disposed to act as if they were to exist for a single day.”

In skeptical ages it is always to be feared…that men may perpetually give way to their daily casual desires, and that, wholly renouncing whatever cannot be acquired without protracted effort, they may establish nothing great, permanent, and calm….In these countries in which, unhappily, irreligion and democracy coexist, philosophers and those in power ought to be always striving to place the objects of human actions for beyond men’s immediate range.

As religious faith declined among the intellectuals in the latter half of the nineteenth century and was replaced by faith in science and social progress, institutional Christianity metamorphosed.  It did not disappear but became secularized, materialist, with a worldly compassion and a worldly paradise replacing caritas and Heaven.  In the domain of foreign policy, the apolitical character of Christianity – “resist not evil,” “turn the other cheek,” “love thine enemy” – has reinforced the liberal democratic tendency toward pacifism and appeasement evident in the Vietnam anti-war movement: “make love, not war.” Today, “make love, not war” animates President Obama’s “outreach” policy: Islamic dictatorships have taken the place of the Soviet Union.

The decadence underlying this liberalism was being prepared long before Vietnam. The most important of the intellectual preparations for this decadence was the university-bred doctrine of moral relativism, to which we now turn.

Tocqueville comes very close to anticipating the phenomenon of moral relativism.  This may be seen by recalling his description of the “philosophical method” of Americans.  He notes that, under conditions of equality, not only does each individual seek the reason of things in himself alone, but equality tends to invade the intellect such that the individual becomes the “source of truth.” Relativism reflects egalitarianism, for it consists in believing that there are no objective standards for determining whether the way of life of one individual, group, or nation is superior to that of another.  To admire a Socrates or a Yasser Arafat, to condemn PLO terrorists or to call them “freedom fighters”; to prefer liberal America to the Mullocracy of Iran—all these so-called value-judgments are deemed “subjective.”  Relativism thus regards all moral principles (which it also calls “values” as opposed to “facts”) as theoretically equal.

Moral relativism appears in writings of eminent political scientists. Consider Zbigniew Brzezinski and Huntington’s influential book, Political Power: USA/USSR:

 We are students of politics; we write this book in that capacity.  And here we are concerned not with vices and virtues but with strengths and weakness.  Moral judgments have been passed often enough and with predictable results—on both sides of the Irion Curtain.

Such talk obscures the fact that vices and virtues are strength and weakness, depended upon and routinely exploited by every politician every, person, who ever lived.

It also reflects the moral relativism of numerous contemporary intellectuals, “left” and “right,” who imagine an “end of ideology” in what Brzezinski later calls the “technetronic era.”  According to his teaching, we must abandon our prejudices about individual, group, or national superiority and enter a period of universal toleration and—no surprise—egalitarianism. Welcome to Barack Obama.

It needs to be borne in mind that political scientists tainted by relativism influence statesmen and a nation’s foreign policy.  It may appear paradoxical that Brzezinski, a moral relativist, was the National Security Adviser of President Jimmy Carter, a born-again Christian.  However, the above mentioned Christian precepts, “resist not evil,” “turn the other cheek,” and “love thine enemy,” readily lend themselves to the non-judgmental tendency of moral relativism.

Huntington, who also served on the National Security Council, provides a more revealing case study of the influence of democracy on the intellect of Americans.  In his 2004 book, Who Are We? in which Huntington provides a comprehensive historical analysis of “The Challenges to America’s National Identity,” the doctrine and corrosive influence of moral relativism is conspicuous by its absence!

The Loss of National Identity

Insofar as many Americans ask, “Who Are We?” they betray a loss of national identity so evident in President Barack Obama, a self-professed multicultural moral relativist.

Tocqueville anticipated this development.  So long as a strong religious or even secular faith inspires a people, democracy thrives; when the faith declines to the level it reaches in Barack Obama, discipline and spiritedness are going to be difficult to arouse.  The keepers of a lukewarm faith cannot appeal to positive belief alone, whether it be the aristocratic faith in his leader, the religious man’s faith in his God, or the democrat’s faith in his country; they must, rather, urge us on by means of the dispiriting lure of moral relativism.  We are to pursue, with good will toward friends and adversaries alike, a morally neutral or non-ideological foreign policy, a policy which, by definition, can only be motivated by material interests.

As Tocqueville would have understood, in America, appeals to “even-handedness,” a euphemism for moral equivalence or relativism, almost always serve the speaker’s desire for comfortable self-preservation. This banality underlies the Middle East foreign policy of the Obama administration vis-à-vis Israel and the Palestinian Authority.

Moreover, just as the U.S. refrained from launching a “first strike” against the USSR, so it will not launch an attack against Iran’s far less formidable nuclear development facilities.  However, just as the U.S. would have wiped out the Soviet Union in retaliation for having been attacked by that communist tyranny, so the U.S. will have no choice but to take that course of action if attacked again by Communism’s religious counterpart, Islam.  The aim of the latter was recently stated on Palestinian TV:

We [Muslims] have ruled the world before, and by Allah, the day will come when we will rule the entire world again.  The day will come when we will rule America…except for the Jews.  The Jews will not enjoy a life of tranquility under out rule, because they are treacherous by nature, as they have been throughout history.  The day will come when everything will be relieved of the Jews.

If attacked by weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the present writer would like to believe that the U.S. will not repeat the mistake the Bush administration made after 9/11, by waiting three weeks to attack the Taliban (a delay that allowed al-Qaeda to “disappear”).  The retaliation – or so one may speculate – will be quick, geographically indiscriminate, and awesome.

Tocqueville would not have been surprised by the mistakes the U.S. made before 9/11 and which led to the indiscriminate slaughter of 3,000 innocents.  He saw that, given the democratic love of physical gratification, “There are two things that a democratic people will always find very difficult, to begin a war and to end it.”

Consider only the years of the Clinton presidency.  Muslim terrorists truck-bombed the World Trade Center in 1993, killing six people and wounding over a thousand. In 1995 the FBI foiled an Islamic plot to blow up landmarks in the New York City area, including the Lincoln and Holland Tunnels and the George Washington Bridge.  In 1996, terrorists attacked the Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia, killing 19 U.S military personnel and wounding hundreds.  In 1998, al Qaeda operatives bombed the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, in nearly simultaneous attacks, killing 12 Americans, more than 200 Kenyans and Tanzanians, and wounding over 4,000.  On October 12, 2000, terrorists conducted a suicide attack against the U.S.S. Cole, an American naval warship stationed in the port of Aden, Yemen, killing 17 sailors and wounding 39 more. Apart from firing a few multi-million dollar cruise missiles on worthless targets, it was business as usual in the world’s number one superpower – a democracy in which considerations of national honor (to say nothing of justice) had long ago succumbed to the all-too-human desire for commodious living. Is it any wonder that liberal democracy is boring as well as decadent?

Nevertheless, perhaps the idea of “dismantling” Islam, as I proposed in a recent article, may be of some interest to future historians.

 

Jeb Bush Wants You To Leave The Republican Party….


Those in power or those that control those in power will do everything possible to maintain the power legal or not!