President Trump Participates in Roundtable Briefing at The National Institute of Health – 2:30pm ET Livestream


As part of the overall administration effort to contain and respond to the Coronavirus issue President Trump is traveling to Maryland today to participate in a roundtable and tour of the National Institutes of Health (NIH). Anticipated start time 2:30pm ET.

UPDATE: Video and Transcript Added

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[Transcript] – DR. FAUCI: Mr. President, thank you very much for coming to the NIH today.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you.

DR. FAUCI: We really are very pleased —

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Tony.

DR. FAUCI: — with your visit. And I want just, again, thank you for your support of everything that we’ve been doing in this obviously very important problem.

What I’ve asked is just first to have Francis Collins —

THE PRESIDENT: Good.

DR. FAUCI: — our director, just make a couple of comments about the NIH in general. And then I’ll talk to you about some of the things that you and I have been talking about for the past few weeks.

THE PRESIDENT: Good. Thank you.

DR. COLLINS: Well, Mr. President, welcome to NIH. It’s wonderful to have you here —

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, Francis.

DR. COLLINS: — even though we are, in fact, faced with a very serious public health situation. We have a lot of people here that are working hard on it and are honored by your presence, and honored also by the presence of the Secretary, my boss, and a wonderful boss he is indeed.

Maybe I just quickly say who else is at the table so you understand who we’re with here. Starting over here, Dr. Barney Graham; he’s the Deputy Director of the Vaccine Research Center, and that’s where we are right now.

Next to him is Dr. Kizzmekia Corbett, who is the front line on the bench, making this coronavirus vaccine happen.

THE PRESIDENT: Good.

DR. COLLINS: So a wonderfully talented young scientist in our midst.

You know Dr. Fauci, of course. Next to him, Dr. John Mascola, who’s the Director of the Vaccine Research Center. And next to him, Dr. Larry Tabek, who’s the Principal Deputy Director of NIH.

THE PRESIDENT: Good.

DR. COLLINS: And we are all thrilled to have you here.

I just wanted to say a word about NIH because we haven’t had the privilege of having you with us before, and just to sort of set the context for this remarkable institution — supported by your administration — the largest supporter of biomedical research in the world, the National Institutes of Health.

We distribute most of our funds — more than 80 percent — to institutions all over the country. So when you hear about a breakthrough in medical research that happened at the University of Illinois or Florida, it was probably supported by NIH. And we use the most rigorous peer review system in the world to decide what we’re going to fund.

And we do everything from fundamental discovery to clinical trials and everything in between. You could say we do Alzheimer’s to Zika, or A to Z, or some version of that.

And we also support infrastructure that makes it possible at a time like this to be able to move rapidly in terms of developing a vaccine. And you’ll hear more about that from Dr. Fauci.

The consequences of NIH research you could measure in various ways: extension and longevity. Reduction in deaths from heart attack down to 70 percent from what they used to be; strokes likewise. Cancer rates of death dropping about 1 or 2 percent a year. HIV, which used to be a death sentence, now compatible with long survival. Cystic fibrosis disease used to be maybe able to get kids to live for 8 or 10 years; now, just in the last few months, announcement of a drug therapy. That means a lot of those individuals are planning for retirement.

THE PRESIDENT: Wow. That’s great.

DR. COLLINS: What a big change that has been.

Economics: I think we could also say this is one of the government’s best investments, because the return on investment — every dollar that NIH spends is about 8 dollars and 38 cents, because of all of the other economic activity that that inspires.

But a major component of NIH — though it’s only about 11 percent of the budget — is the intramural program, and that’s where you are now on this campus. More than 5,000 MDs, PhDs, and MD-PhDs work here on a wide variety of things. A few hundred yards from here, the largest research hospital in the world, the NIH Clinical Center.

Among our achievements: the first chemotherapy for leukemia; the development of AZT for HIV; cancer immunotherapy now saving lives, including people who thought that there was no hope for them and are now being not just helped but cured; dramatic advances in treating depression. Lithium was invented here. Ketamine now turning to be a really exciting development for people with resistant depression.

The first gene therapy for humans done here at NIH and now evolving to a point where we are curing, on this campus, people with sickle cell disease with gene therapy.

And, of course, vaccines — vaccines — developed here for childhood meningitis, for HPV, for Ebola. And now we’re going to talk about coronavirus.

So for all these reasons, people call us the “National Institutes of Hope,” and we’re happy to embrace that particular description.

And you have next to you the — probably most highly regarded infectious disease expert in the country — I might even say in the world —

THE PRESIDENT: I agree.

DR. COLLINS: — Dr. Tony Fauci. And we have been graced by his presence for many decades, and he is exactly the right person to tell you what we’re doing right now about coronavirus and how we’re going to address the need for a vaccine, in order to tackle this really difficult problem.

So thank you for being here. I hope that’s helpful.

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you, Francis. Thank you very much.

DR. FAUCI: Okay. Again, thanks again. I just want to connect what we’ve been talking about over the past few weeks. So if I could just get the — see, this slide here, remember when I mentioned that the fastest from the time that you get a pathogen — you know what it is — to the time you do a phase one trial for safety?

So look at what’s happened. When SARS was in 2003, from the time we got the virus to the time we did the first phase one trial — remember, that doesn’t mean you have a vaccine; it means for safety — it was 20 months. Then, H5N1 influenza, we got it down to 11. H1N1 influenza, 4. Zika, 3.25. And now, we believe, as I’ve told you several times, it’s two to three months. I think it’s going to be two.

THE PRESIDENT: That’s fantastic. That’s great.

DR. FAUCI: So that kind of thing is what this place is all about. It’s kind of like the SWAT team of going out and responding to emerging microbes.

THE PRESIDENT: Right.

DR. FAUCI: So, you know, this building, this entire center, was first started in response to making a vaccine for HIV. But the crew that we brought together — and we brought the best of the best from all over the country — Dr. John Mascola, who’s the director of this place — we do everything, from fundamental basic science to the clinical trials.

We would — I mean, and I say this with some pride but also with some modesty, is that there’s a lot questions and things that we need to do, but this group is so good at what they do that every time we have a challenge — and that challenge could be flu, that challenge could be Ebola, that challenge could be anything — we always turn to this team to do that. And it’s really something that we feel that is — we’re proud of, but I think the nation should know that these are the kind of things we have available for them.

John, do you want to —

DR. MASCOLA: I would just like to also welcome you, Mr. President, Mr. Secretary —

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, John.

DR. MASCOLA: — to our vaccine research center. We look
forward to a brief tour for you upstairs, where you can have Dr. Corbett and Dr. Graham tell you about how we’re working on the coronavirus vaccine.

DR. FAUCI: Right.

THE PRESIDENT: Good.

DR. FAUCI: Just to give you a comparison, because we always talk about SARS and we always talk about MERS and things like that — if we could have — just go through the slide. I just want to — go to the next slide.

(A presentation slide is displayed.)

Just — this is an article that I wrote a little while ago and I called it “Coronavirus Infections—More Than Just the Common Cold.” The reason is, up until recently, coronaviruses were like mild things. They were just common cold and they just — next slide.

In fact, those are all different kinds of viruses. The ones with the red circle around them are the four viruses that cause the common cold. That was until 2002. Then we got a big surprise. And the surprise was — next — is that we had the severe acute respiratory syndrome, and that was SARS.

Multiple years later, we got the Middle East respiratory syndrome. But a story that you may remember, if you — next slide. In China, in the Guangdong province — this sort of history repeats itself, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: Right. Right.

DR. FAUCI: In China, in the Guangdong province, there was this strange disease that came up that nobody knew what it was. The Chinese didn’t really tell anybody about it for a few months, November, until it got to Hong Kong. When it got to Hong Kong — next slide — in a hotel in Hong Kong — and this was way back in 2003 — someone from China went to the hotel, infected a bunch of people — next slide — and this is what you had: You had flights going — at the time, we didn’t make any restrictions the way you did, which I think saved us, really, a lot of — a lot of hurt. Next slide.

And then this is what happened: There were 8,000 cases, 774 deaths. And that’s how I get the number that I’ve been telling you that the mortality of SARS was about 9 or 10 percent. If you do that math, that’s what it is.

THE PRESIDENT: Right. Wow.

DR. FAUCI: Next slide. The other one is the MERS coronavirus, which was the one that was in Saudi Arabia. That was also from an animal reservoir. Next. In fact, it was from a bat. Next. From a bat to camel. And then for the people in the Middle East who got it, that was the infection there.

So these are the kind of things that go from an animal reservoir to a human. Sometimes it doesn’t go anywhere; it just goes one to two people. But sometimes it adapts itself to function very, very, very efficiently.

Next. And that’s what happened. We had MERS coronavirus in Saudi Arabia, we had a few cases in the United States, but not many.

And finally — next — this is where we are right now, with the coronavirus. And then, just getting back to the last — we got this sequence about a week after the Chinese were able to put it up on the board and — next — and then these are the things that we do: Therapeutics, vaccines.

So we’ll stop there, but we’d really like to hear some comments from you, Mr. President, if you want to —

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I want to thank you all. This is incredible. And I’ve heard about you, and I know all of you by name, and now I get to meet you. unfortunately, I get to meet you, because we’re talking about this.

But we’ve made tremendous progress. I know you’re dealing with other nations to help them out because they really — they got hit, some of them very badly. And we’re talking to them also. And we’re making decisions as to whether or not we’re allowed to travel — they’re allowed to travel. They’ve been — we’ve been pretty severe on those restrictions, but I guess we did the right thing by being severe.

NIH is the home of — I mean, I see so many different factors, and it’s true — the greatest doctors. I’ve heard that for so long. I heard that from my uncle, Dr. John Trump. He — big fan of what you’ve done and how it started. And it’s really been an incredible situation.

But the scientists and researchers all over the world, they say this is the best there is. And I think the world is extremely happy that you’re involved.

And, Tony, your reputation is second to none. I think we all agree with that. You have to agree with that, John, right? I mean, you have no choice.

DR. MASCOLA: Indeed, sir.

THE PRESIDENT: But the fact is, it is — in this case, it’s true. And we’re very lucky to have you.

I will say that the Vice President is over on the Hill. He’s just leaving now, and I told him to stay there and finish it up.

But we’re doing very well in terms of getting the funding we need, the necessary funding. And I asked for X, and they want to give us more than X. And that’s okay, as far as I’m concerned. In this case, Francis, that’s unusual, but that’s okay.

But I just want to thank everybody at NIH and all of the great scientists and doctors and everything. I know you’re working around the clock. I know you’ve made some great finds already, and that’s — really, it makes us feel very good.

We had some good meetings yesterday with the companies that — I guess you ultimately would go to the companies? You’d have to go to the companies. So we had Pfizer and Johnson & Johnson and some of the other great companies, and they were very positive as what — as to the outcome.

And therapeutics were a very big thing, because I guess therapeutics can happen faster than the actual vaccine. And certainly the result can happen a lot faster. So we’re looking for some good answers.

But I just want to thank you very much, Tony. And we really appreciate it. And, John, thank you. Thank you very much. Fantastic job. Thank you very much.

DR. COLLINS: Great to have you here.

THE PRESIDENT: And, you, I don’t have to shake hands with. (Laughter.) I see him every — I see him every day, so I don’t have to bother.

So thank you all very much. Great job. Appreciate it.

Q Mr. President, would you travel to Japan or Italy right now?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I haven’t been asked to. But I think we’re making decisions on certain parts of those countries, as you know. We’ve already made a decision on parts of Italy.

And Japan — it’s very unfortunate because I’ve seen the incredible job they did on the Olympics. As you know, they’re building a facility; it’s really finished. It’s beautiful. It’s finished right on time — as usual, with the Japanese. The Prime Minister, a very good friend of mine. And — Prime Minister Abe. And so I don’t know what they’re going to do. They have this magnificent facility, and I don’t know what they’re going to do, but they’ll make the right decision, I know that.

But, yes, if it was necessary, I would do it. Yes.

Q What’s your timeline on further travel restrictions, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, we’re looking at different areas, and we’ll make that decision with these professionals. We made an early decision based on a little bit of luck, I suspect, but that was the original decision on China itself. And China, in all fairness to them, they never blamed us. It was, you know, a tough decision for them, but they fully understood. They were very reasonable about it. But that was a hard decision to make. But I guess we would have had a lot more people with difficulty if we didn’t make that decision very early on.

But we’ll be making additional decisions as they arise, I guess, Tony.

Q What about closing the southern border? Is that still on the table?

THE PRESIDENT: We’re not looking at it very strongly. We’re not seeing a lot of evidence in that area. We’re closing it, I guess, automatically because we have a very strong border there now. We didn’t have a strong border at all. We’ve built 129 miles of wall, and the wall area is 100 percent secure.

But we haven’t seen any great — I don’t think we’ve seen any great evidence of that area as a problem at this moment. So we won’t have to bother with that at this moment.

Anybody? You’re so nice today. I can’t believe it. (Laughter.)

DR. FAUCI: This is the NIH. That’s it.

THE PRESIDENT: It’s the NIH. It rubbed off.

Q What about Super Tuesday?

THE PRESIDENT: Say it?

Q Tell us about Super Tuesday, how you’re watching the primaries that are taking place.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, it’s going to be a very interesting evening of television. I think it’s really going to be something. It’s — they’ve got some races going on that didn’t seem to exist a few days ago. And now Biden has come up a little bit. And I don’t know what’s happened with Bernie. I think they’re trying to take it away from him. I don’t know if that’s fair, but I guess it’s politics when you get right down to it and what’s fair.

But I think it’s going to be a very interesting evening of television. And because of the time difference — California time difference — it’s going to go a little bit later than we’re accustomed to, right?

Q And who would you like to most —

THE PRESIDENT: And I will be watching — who would I like to win? Anybody. I’ll take anybody I have to. That’s the way it’s going to work. Doesn’t matter.

Q You have a favorite opponent?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I have — I really just — you know, we’ve done a great job. We have the strongest economy on Earth. We — we’ve gone up and, you know — as you know, China’s economy has been hurt very badly, long before this. We’ve done a really good job, and I think people understand that. And I’m looking at polls that are very good.

But, you know, whoever it is, it is. We’ll take them on. We have no choice, right?

Anything else? Steve?

Q Do you have a reaction to the North Korean launch of those missiles yesterday?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I have no reaction. Short-term missiles? No. No. None.

Q And on the Afghanistan — was that your first conversation with the leader of the Taliban?

THE PRESIDENT: I don’t want to say that. But we had a very good conversation with the leader of the Taliban today, and they’re looking to get this ended, and we’re looking to get it ended. I think we all have a very common interest. We’ll find out about the country itself. But the country really has to get it ended. We’ve been there for 20 years. Other presidents have tried and they have been unable to get any kind of an agreement.

The relationship is very good that I have with the mullah. And we had a good, long conversation today. And, you know, they want to cease the violence. They’d like to cease violence also.

Q And the Afghan government seems reluctant to turn over those 5,000 prisoners.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, they may be reluctant. You know, they’ve been — they’ve done very well with the United States for many years, far beyond military, if you look at all the money that we’ve spent in Afghanistan. We’ve spent trillions of dollars. Trillions of dollars.

And we’re really a police force. We’re really not fighting, per se. It’s a fight that, if we had to, we’d win. But I don’t want to kill millions of people. We would win it fairly quickly, but I don’t want to kill millions of people. I think it’s crazy. And so we’ve been there — we’ll be very — very soon, it’ll be 20 years.

And I said, right from the beginning, not easy to get out of these conflicts. Very complex in terms of all of the people you have to deal with, including, frankly, people in the Senate, people in the House. And a lot of people feel differently about things. But I’ve been amazed at how positive the response is to getting out of Afghanistan and to moving on. And I really had a great conversation with him today.

Yes?

Q Back to coronavirus. Are you considering new guidelines for nursing homes, given the cluster in Washington State?

THE PRESIDENT: I could ask you to answer that question.

SECRETARY AZAR: So I —

DR. FAUCI: Mr. Secretary?

SECRETARY AZAR: So, actually, we have been educating healthcare providers, really, from day one, back in January, about the need to be on guard against respiratory syndrome. And then, when we had this case of the long-term care facility in Washington, we sent out special alerts to long-term care facilities to be very mindful about infection control, isolation, with these most vulnerable of our seniors and other individuals who have comorbid conditions.

And that’s really — what we’ve been seeing around the world is the prevalence of fatalities have been in the elderly and those who have other forms of medical fragility, comorbid conditions. And so really being on very high alert in our nursing home community is called for.

Q Mr. Secretary, can you talk about your meeting with lawmakers today and what specifically they’re asking the federal government? What’s their biggest concern?

SECRETARY AZAR: Well, I think it’s the same concern that we’ve all had, which is getting testing out there rapidly into the community so that we can be testing as many people as possible.

As you know, our excellent teams down at the CDC developed the test really in record time, within weeks of getting the genetic sequence back in January. And we approved the diagnostic at CD- — at the FDA, under an emergency use authorization in record time.

We’ve been able to be testing at CDC throughout, without any backlog in testing. Our throughput has been great there. We’ve had 12 labs qualify to be able to do the testing. We did suffer a manufacturing issue on that test as it went out to the rest of the public health labs.

We’ve gotten that issue solved in the last week, so that’s up and running in the public health labs. We also have gotten this test produced by this contractor to get it out. So we will, this week, have up to 75,000 tests shipping out there to public health labs, as well as available to hospitals who order it.

And then something really important happened on Saturday morning. So one of the biggest issues around testing that people don’t understand is, during the Obama administration, the FDA, for the first time, asserted control and regulatory jurisdiction over what are called “lab developed tests.” Before that, if a hospital or a lab, like a Quest Diagnostics, a Lab Corps, or an academic medical center would develop a test on their own with reagents and tests, they could just do that if they were a certified clinical lab, called a CLIA lab.

But under the Obama administration, the FDA asserted jurisdiction and said, “You have to come to us first and get approval of that test before you can do it.” On Saturday morning, Commissioner Hahn issued guidance saying, under an emergency use authorization, we are permitting these labs — these public health labs, these hospital labs, commercial labs — to go ahead, get the test going, do your own test, make it available, and come to us for approval after the fact under emergency use authorization.

That will make, as Commissioner Hahn has said, millions of tests per week available quite rapidly.

Q Mr. Secretary, can I ask you about the study from the CDC today that showed the Americans most at risk of contracting coronavirus are the ones with people living with patients? So should Americans be less worried about catching the virus from, say, people on the street or people at an airport?

SECRETARY AZAR: So what we said at the press conference just yesterday is very consistent with that, which is: For the average American, in your daily life, the risk of getting coronavirus — the novel coronavirus — is very low. But if you are around individuals who have the novel coronavirus, the risk obviously is higher.

And that’s why the efforts we’re taking with the state of Washington and with Santa Clara County, and elsewhere in the country, are around what’s called “community mitigation,” which is to isolate individuals who have the disease, as well as to reduce social contact to bring the level of disease spreading down.

Q And, Mr. President, I don’t know if you had seen reports about the Vice President having shaken hands with students from a Florida school, one of whom have been placed in a voluntary self-quarantine. Does that concern you at all? What did you think about that?

THE PRESIDENT: I haven’t seen that report. No.

SECRETARY AZAR: I haven’t seen it either.

THE PRESIDENT: I haven’t seen it.

Q Mr. President, how much money should go to hospitals for the uninsured?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, we’re going to look at the uninsured because they have a big problem. And we’re going to look at the uninsured people that — you know, this came — it was a surprise to all of us. It just happened. It shows what can happen in life. But we’re going to be looking at the uninsured and see if we can help them out.

SECRETARY AZAR: We’re working — as part of the emergency supplemental, we’ll work with Congress on programs to help hospitals as they care for the uninsured with novel coronavirus.

THE PRESIDENT: Okay. Thank you all very much. Thank you.

END 3:11 P.M. EST

Fox News Livestream – WH Livestream Link – PBS Livestream Link

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Bad Intel


The Intelligence Community’s lack of intelligence regarding the Middle East

Roach-BADINTEL_032020

Written and posted originally by Christopher Roach on MARCH 01, 2020 on the chronicles magazine

A pair of recent news items unintentionally demonstrated the ways the Intelligence Community is a primary source of our confused foreign policy in the Middle East, while also undermining President Trump here at home.

First, substantial doubts have arisen regarding the source and even the actuality of the 2018 gas attacks in Syria. These attacks allegedly took place in the Damascus suburb of Douma and were first publicized by the Soros-funded White Helmets. Later, the American Intelligence Community pinned the blame on Assad and the Syrian government. Rather swiftly, President Trump issued grave warnings about future attacks and our armed forces commenced modest, retaliatory bombing raids. Trump had directed a similar air strike after Syrian gas attacks were reported in 2017. In both cases, Trump’s commitment to reducing American engagement in the Middle East appeared to be in jeopardy. While his ideological fellow travelers, including Tucker Carlson and Ann Coulter, were very critical, these bombing attacks garnered praise from interventionists like Marco Rubio, Lindsey Graham, and Bill Kristol.

Like Russian interference and other tall tales from overseas intelligence agencies, it turns out the United States may have been had. According to leaked internal discussions that became public in November 2019, the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) downplayed dissenting views in its initial report regarding the 2018 gas attacks. In the words of one of the investigators, the report “misrepresents the facts he and his colleagues discovered on the ground.” Notably, the original OPCW report never conclusively blamed the attack on the Syrian regime. It now appears in doubt whether chemical weapons were used at all.

Second, CNN recently aired a report involving Susan Gordan, who resigned from her position as Deputy Director of National Intelligence over the summer after being passed over for promotion. According to CNN:

One of President Donald Trump’s most common responses to intelligence briefings is to doubt what he’s being told, former Deputy Director of Intelligence Susan Gordon said Tuesday.…Trump had two typical responses to briefings. ‘One, “I don’t think that’s true,”’ Gordon told the Women’s Foreign Policy Group.… ‘and the other is the second order and third order effects. “Why is that true? Why are we there? Why is this what you believe? Why do we do that?” Those sorts of things.’

The CNN report and Gordon’s implicit criticism of Trump is rather telling. The ruling class sounds exasperated that the president would not simply go along with the Intelligence Community’s conclusions about the facts, nor follow their recommendations. With Syria in particular, it turns out Trump’s more general skepticism was well warranted.

The idea that the Syrian regime would court disaster and guarantee Western involvement by using chemical weapons in 2018, just as the remnants of the ISIS caliphate were being defeated, never made logical sense. That the Intelligence Community never apparently took seriously the possibility that the gas attacks were a false flag used by rebels (or some other interested party) to direct American forces against the Syrian regime shows remarkable credulity—or cynicism—among those whose job is to provide useful information to the president.

Bad intelligence has been the source of America’s follies in the Middle East stretching back to the 2003 Iraq invasion and earlier. It has confused America about its friends and enemies, has ignited some conflicts while prolonging others, and, in nearly every case, has failed to support a sound and sustainable foreign policy. Bad intelligence tends to agitate and redirect the focus of America’s leadership according to the policy goals of the Intelligence Community. Every American politician is sensitive to the risks elucidated by the intelligence agencies, regardless of their political views; no politician wants a failure like 9/11 on his watch.

Even America First nationalists realize the need to confront certain threats before they materialize or become unmanageable. American civilian leadership is very deferential to and dependent on the military and the Intelligence Community because of their access to information, technical expertise, and patriotic bona fides. The Intelligence Community—including foreign intelligence sources like Israel and Saudi Arabia—have exploited American power using these predictable dynamics.

Most dramatically, George W. Bush went to war in Iraq after his advisors lined up against Iraq and pointed to its continued and dangerous possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs). The evidence was a “slam dunk,” in the words of then-CIA director George Tenet. More recently, in its efforts to encourage American military strikes, Israel nearly every year for the last decade said Iran is “six months away” from a nuclear weapon. Heightened tension with Iran nearly led to a war over a downed drone in early 2019. Moreover, predictions of geopolitical disaster and genocide have been used to pressure Trump into keeping American troops in Syria indefinitely, in spite of his repeatedly expressed desire to withdraw.

While it claims to be evidence-based and cautious, the Intelligence Community’s reliability and results are mediocre. In some cases, it gets things entirely wrong, as with Iraq’s WMDs. In others, it’s simply in the dark, as it was with the rapid collapse of the Warsaw Pact in 1989 or the fall of Iran’s shah in 1979, which somehow escaped the attention of our intelligence analysts until the events were front-page news. No doubt, this is partly a function of intelligence work being inherently difficult, as it involves predictions about the future in countries where we have limited understanding. But the predominant problems, especially in recent years, have arisen from ideological and institutional biases.

The Intelligence Community has policy preferences, and its intelligence reporting often is fashioned to support those preferences. After all, the Intelligence Community is just part of a larger foreign policy conglomerate. Career foreign policy advisors, professors, spies, and think tankers tend to profess a common worldview, and describing them as a “community” is accurate. The term sounds less threatening than “spy agencies,” and much of government truly functions as a type of community. The anonymously written Z Blog observed:

Washington is the natural evolution of the managerial class that evolved in the 20th century. People move to the area through one of the many on-ramps of the managerial state. Over time, they slowly become part of the ruling community that controls the imperial government.

Part of that community’s worldview is external. Following the Cold War, with little debate, a consensus emerged among both the left and neoconservative right that the U.S. should work to ensure its status as the “sole superpower” and that this power should be used in the service of “liberal hegemony.” In other words, the Deep State has worked to maintain the U.S. as the world’s most powerful country, has actively prevented the rise of competing powers, and has used its power to mold other countries’ internal affairs to resemble the culture and institutions of the U.S. This governing philosophy is sometimes called the New World Order, the rules-based international order, the post-war system, or some other euphemism—but it really means American dominance. For obvious reasons, this approach is very expensive, leads to a lot of conflict, does little to distinguish core from ancillary interests, and is not looked at very kindly by other nations, who have an understandably jealous regard for their own sovereignty.

What this means in practice can be seen in the Intelligence Community’s behavior when it thinks no one is looking. Having conducted spying operations on our allies and fomented color revolutions abroad, its sense of the sacredness of elections, even at home, is rather limited. In 2014, the CIA admitted that it illegally spied on U.S. Senate staff when the CIA’s torture activities were under congressional investigation. More recently, the CIA participated in an entrapment operation directed at minor figures in the Trump campaign for the purpose of enabling FBI wiretaps of the president and his inner circle.

The Intelligence Community’s interference with and manipulation of elected leaders domestically is not limited to heavy-handed interference with the Trump campaign. It preceded Trump and has been evident in various information operations against presidents already in office. Elected leaders depend on intelligence reports to make decisions, whether from the military, the FBI, or the CIA. If they defy the intelligence services, then a narrative of a president dangerously ignoring his top advisors frequently emerges, with outlets like CNN and The Washington Post dutifully passing on these propaganda leaks as news.

George W. Bush faced a maelstrom over the leaking of Valerie Plame’s identity as a CIA employee—the sacredness of CIA agents’ secret identities being a core value in the Imperial City. Obama also received criticism and leaks from the Pentagon when he was reluctant to expand forces in Afghanistan in 2009. Of course, leaks and direct defiance by the Intelligence Community have been the foundation of many of the attacks on President Trump, including those by fanatical former CIA Director John Brennan.

For the foreign policy mob, democracy is not a process of majority rule, but a smokescreen for pursuing a series of substantive ends: free trade, open borders, globalism, gay rights, and other objectives of the global ruling class. Thus, for them, the democratically elected president’s mandate is not to pursue popular policies like avoiding Mideast wars or putting up tariffs against China, but rather to support the policies that distinguish the ruling class from the rubes in Peoria.

The Intelligence Community also demands, and usually receives, acquiescence toward its more whimsical impulses: supporting Muslims in Serbia, while attacking Muslims in Yemen; or secreting crocodile tears for Ukraine’s anti-Russian coup, while ignoring atrocities by our allies in Yemen and Ossetia. Objectives that are popular and democratic, but not in tune with the preferences of liberal elites—Brexit in the UK, for example, or a border wall here at home—are simply labeled a “threat to democracy” in Orwellian fashion. Such things cannot be permitted, at home or abroad.

With so much off the table, our elected leaders become virtual figureheads, barely in charge of the government’s unelected bureaucracy, which is theoretically supposed to be an instrument that they control. President Obama was very popular with the managerial class, including the Intelligence Community, because he did not have the energy or inclination to upset the status quo. His transformation of government simply made it bigger, more prestigious, and better paid, all at a time when the rest of the country was limping through an economic crisis. Consider the fawning profile of President Obama from The New Yorker in 2012:

Each night, an Obama aide hands the President a binder of documents to review. After his wife goes to bed, at around ten, Obama works in his study, the Treaty Room, on the second floor of the White House residence. President Bush preferred oral briefings; Obama likes his advice in writing. He marks up the decision memos and briefing materials with notes and questions in his neat cursive handwriting.…A single Presidential comment might change a legislative strategy, kill the proposal of a well-meaning adviser, or initiate a bureaucratic process to answer a Presidential question.

If the document is a decision memo, its author usually includes options for Obama to check at the end.

The last sentence is revealing. Obama was the perfectly compliant figurehead, neatly accepting the limited options presented to him and marking off boxes without Trump’s insouciant skepticism. His suave, superficially intellectual style was the perfect camouflage for the Deep State and its prerogatives.

The Intelligence Community’s own ideology was apparent in their support for the Arab Spring. While the old-line WASP figures from the first generation of CIA leadership had concluded that secular dictators and kings were the best governments Americans could hope for in the Middle East, the new guard—more feminine, diverse, and Jewish, just like the Ivy League schools from which it was recruited—was full of optimism about the social revolution in the Arab world. Samantha Power announced a doctrine of “humanitarian war,” and Hillary Clinton reported her desire to be “caught trying.”

Humility and restraint were in short supply among the smart set. While Obama had expressed an encouraging skepticism of U.S. interventionism in his electoral campaign, here the Wilsonian impulse triumphed. He wanted to be on the “right side of history.” In short order, the wisdom of the old guard became apparent. Egypt elected an Islamist, Libya devolved into chaos where jihadists murdered an American ambassador, and a crisis in Syria showed that the Intelligence Community was incapable of learning from very recent history.

Even after the Libyan disaster—and America’s earlier failures in Iraq and Afghanistan—Obama approved intervention in the complex Syrian civil war, declaring in the name of the international community that the Assad regime needed to go. His CIA soon began sending aid and arms to the so-called moderate rebels. Republican globalists like Lindsey Graham and John McCain applauded Obama’s courage.

Contrary to the plan, Assad didn’t go. Instead, he and his government have fought a war since 2011 against dozens of opposition groups, including jihadists like al Nusra. Hundreds of thousands of refugees fled to Europe. A similar number died in the war itself. Christians faced genocide. ISIS rose and fell within the maelstrom. But the war and the regime have persisted right up to the present, having obtained new support along the way because of the Sunni jihadists’ fanaticism and barbarity.

Like the never-ending war in Afghanistan, the American interest in Syria only exists if you accept the paradigm of liberal hegemony ensured by American dominance. When the “international community”—the propaganda term the United States uses for itself when it really means business—demands Assad has to go, he is supposed to go, and go soon. This formula worked before in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and also in Panama, Liberia, Ukraine, Georgia, and Serbia. Assad’s persistence exposes the natural limits of American power. The Syrian regime’s refusal to disappear has created a big problem for that so-called international community.

Russia intervened in Syria, in part, because of a longstanding alliance, but also because Russia’s foreign policy has a predictable and limited aim: to ensure that America’s involvement does not inevitably lead to regime change. Russia is not pro-terrorist or fanatically anti-American. It gave permission for American overflights of former Soviet Republics after 9/11, and its military has cooperated with ours for “de-confliction” purposes in Syria to support our common fight against ISIS. But Russia’s aims are one reason the Syrian civil war had such high stakes, and also why our nation’s moral compasses went haywire in Syria, just as it had 20 years earlier in Kosovo. In both cases, America undermined its own claimed values by teaming with terrorists and jihadis to prove the inevitability and righteousness of the “international community’s” demands.

Trump did not accept this paradigm. Thus, he quickly made opposition to ISIS the primary mission objective in Syria. After all, unlike Assad, ISIS was directing attacks at home and in Europe and was perpetrating horrors beyond comprehension. American forces and their proxies succeeded in short order, aided by the tacit cooperation of Russian and Syrian forces, and unleashed from the restraints and contradictory objectives of the Obama administration. Under Obama’s purview, according to a 2016 report from the Los Angeles Times, CIA-armed rebels were fighting at one point with other rebels armed by the DoD.

Trump declared victory. He ordered forces to leave. They dragged their feet, and General James Mattis resigned in protest when Trump told him that he meant business. Soon, the panoply of varying objectives sought by different factions within the Intelligence Community were reasserted, all requiring an indefinite deployment of U.S. forces, each accompanied by increasingly dire warnings about the costs of noncompliance. “Like the war on drugs or the war on poverty, the war for the Greater Middle East has become a permanent fixture in American life and is accepted as such,” wrote Andrew Bacevich, a retired Army colonel and history professor at Boston University.

Trump ran for president in direct opposition to the legacy foreign policy common to both Democrats and Republicans. His overall policy was fundamentally nationalist, and thus his foreign policy was limited to specific and tangible issues directly related to national security and national flourishing. He expressed common-sense skepticism about many things, including our trading policies with China and our habitual animosity to Russia, but some of his strongest criticism was reserved for our involvement in Syria and the Middle East more generally.

Unlike many Republicans, Trump was always skeptical of the Iraq War. When he is unfiltered, he still expresses this view, as in a recent tweet:

The United States has spent EIGHT TRILLION DOLLARS fighting and policing in the Middle East. Thousands of our Great Soldiers have died or been badly wounded. Millions of people have died on the other side. GOING INTO THE MIDDLE EAST IS THE WORST DECISION EVER MADE…..

This stand was popular during the campaign and it is popular now. No amount of Washington Post sob stories about the stalwart Kurds have changed most Americans’ assessment of the matter. This is an issue that cuts across party lines, with both the Republican America Firsters and the Democratic Party’s peace caucus seeing no benefit from America’s efforts in the Middle East over the last four decades.

As with trade and immigration, Trump’s instincts were both politically and strategically correct. Unfortunately, he has not been fully consistent in this regard. In part, he himself is to blame for hiring individuals with polar opposite views, such as neoconservative John Bolton and establishment-approved Gen. Mattis. On the other hand, in Trump’s defense, appointees that shared his expressed worldview—such as Michael Flynn or Stephen Bannon—have been hobbled or run off. Now that the impeachment proceedings have concluded, Trump is only slowly getting a handle on the permanent bureaucracy, which has conducted a fierce counterattack against him since before he was sworn into office.

Trump’s presidency has been defined by conflict with the Intelligence Community. Indeed, their overreach during the 2016 election was something new and unusual in public life. They don’t want him in office and do not want to submit to accountability. They’re the vanguard of an aggrieved managerial class. While one thinks of the military and intelligence apparatus as being more conservative and hardheaded than, say, the Department of Justice or the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the collective culture of Washington, D.C., has a significant influence and significant degree of consensus. The whole town is full of ambitious conformists who have been preparing to sit before congressional committees since they were nine years old. They lack the dash, humanity, and personality of the Yale classicists who formed the CIA’s 1940s precursor, the Office of Strategic Services.

When Obama arrived, he promoted Intelligence Community figures like John Brennan and Jim Comey and military leaders like General David Petraeus and Admiral William McRaven. They shared the ideological outlook of the new administration, whether on gay rights, women in combat, or the wisdom of dubious campaigns in Syria. Having tasted political power, the left’s outlook has now become more aggressively statist than any time since FDR. The dominant rhetorical trope is to contrast the “patriotism” and “service” ethics of people who are paid six-figure incomes to enjoy fine dining in Paris and Buenos Aires with the atavism and anger of Trump and his “deplorable” base.

While movies portray the CIA as sophisticated and omnicompetent, in real life it turns out the Intelligence Community is made up of people like we saw in the impeachment hearings, such as Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman and former National Security Council official Fiona Hill: middlebrow, arrogant, liberal, unimaginative, and extremely concerned with preserving their managerial processes and imperatives. As defenders of a managerial system in which they are the elite, the various processes, reviews, and interagency discussions preserve the bureaucrats’ institutional and personal power. This method was demonstrated unwittingly by the “multiple choice” policymaking of Obama revealed in The New Yorker profile.

To the extent that the American people’s broad-based and bipartisan rejection of permanent war is to be given voice, the Intelligence Community needs to be brought to heel. Conservatives must recognize that the institutions they instinctually hold in high regard, the FBI, the CIA, and the military, are not merely part of the problem. They, or at least their leadership, are the primary problem. Trump’s nationalist and populist supporters hoped Trump would be able to take them on, but the tenacity and versatility of the “Resistance” has proven to be an enormous challenge. As Senator Chuck Schumer promised, “You take on the intelligence community—they have six ways from Sunday at getting back at you.”

The impeachment proceedings are simply the latest iteration of this resistance. After the Mueller probe went bust, the Ukraine scandal emerged from a whistleblower that worked for the CIA. The hearings were high managerial-class theater, featuring military officers, ambassadors, law professors, and other D.C. glitterati, who collectively have made it plain that they do not believe they are subordinate to the president, the American people—or anyone. They were supposed to wow us with their intellect and high-mindedness, but they really looked like hacks who lack the decency to be embarrassed by their preening self-regard and naked partisanship.

America’s foreign policy in the Middle East has been an enormous failure, a failure for which the Intelligence Community has not been significantly called to account. Straightfoward solutions like banning Muslim immigration have been ignored, while messianic ones like turning Syria into a functioning democracy are substituted in their place. Like Soviets sticking to their Five-Year Plans in the face of famines and penury, the nation’s spies have proceeded as if the disasters in Iraq, Syria, Libya, as well as the never-ending campaign in Afghanistan, were successes. The only thing surprising about a recent Washington Post exposé on the various lies told about our progress in Afghanistan is that anyone was surprised. It’s been apparent since 2002 that we were making no progress in Afghanistan, and that the place was simply a black hole in which American dollars and American lives were lost.

American foreign policy in the Middle East is inseparable from the Intelligence Community, which is just one arm of the permanent bureaucracy. Whether at home or abroad, they have proven to have a narrow and hubristic concept of American power, and their results have ranged from the mediocre to the terrible. Far from providing useful insight and sound predictions about the likely course of events, they either have ignored or downplayed real threats, like ISIS, or encouraged and managed foolhardy escapades like the arming of the so-called moderate rebels in Syria. Always missing from their report is a hardheaded account of Islam and the ways it is both prickly about foreign intervention and inimical to Western values like democracy or liberalism.

Not understanding the human terrain abroad, the Intelligence Community has also failed to understand the limits of the tools available from the homeland. While the U.S. Agency for International Development and the Peace Corps might think schools and clean water and elections will transform these regions, the U.S. military remains the primary tool. And it’s a blunt instrument that has often alienated more people than it manages to dispatch in its lumbering efforts of nation-building. Actionable intelligence is supposed to be intelligent. But here common sense and a rudimentary grasp of recent history—the kind candidate Trump and his voters had—are more than adequate to expose the “smart fools” behind recent events.

Before he ran for President, in 2013, Trump tweeted, “DO NOT ATTACK SYRIA—IF YOU DO MANY VERY BAD THINGS WILL HAPPEN & FROM THAT FIGHT THE U.S. GETS NOTHING!” There is more intelligence in that sentence than the mountain of reports and predictions emanating from the Intelligence Community.

President Trump Keep America Great Rally, Charlotte North Carolina – 7:00pm Livestream…


Tonight President Trump heads to Charlotte, NC, for another massive Keep America Great rally at The Bojangles Coliseum. President Trump is expected to speak at 7:00pm EST.

RSBN Livestream Link – Donald Trump 2020 Livestream – Fox News Livestream

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President Trump Meets With President Duque of Colombia – Video and Transcript…


Prior to bilateral discussions at the White House, President Trump and President Duque of Colombia held a press availability in the oval office. [Video and Transcript Below]

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[Transcript] – PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, thank you very much. It’s my honor to have the President of Colombia with us. We have many things to discuss, including borders and trade and, unfortunately, drugs and drug trafficking. And we’re going to have a good, long session.

This was scheduled very quickly, over the weekend, and we look forward to meeting. We’re going to have representatives on both sides. Many things to talk about.

And thank you very much, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT DUQUE: Thank you so much, Mr. President. It’s always an honor to be here. As you know, we have been strong allies, not only defending democracy in the region, but also fighting corruption and drug trafficking. You know the commitment we have jointly against those terrible threats.

So it’s a pleasure to be here. Thank you so much, Mr. President.

PRESIDENT TRUMP: We’ve been working very well together on drugs and on trafficking — beyond drugs, trafficking and drugs, and trafficking and lots of other things. Unfortunately, human trafficking, which has become a very big problem.

Tonight, I’ll be going — as you know, we’ll be going to North Carolina. We have a big rally scheduled, and that should be, I think, terrific. It’s — thousands of people are already out there waiting. So we’re going to have, hopefully, a good time. We’re going to make a lot of different predictions tonight also.

Working very hard with CDC, with everybody in the — on a subject that has become a very big subject. The — our country is doing very well. Our professionals are doing, really, an incredible job.

We’re also working with other countries to help them because they really have a fear of the unknown. We’re working very much with a lot of other countries on — including Colombia — but we’re working with a lot of other countries on helping them with respect to this problem. And, again, we’re doing very well.

Some additional people were reported. They’re in good shape, but we have some additional people that were reported. Not very many in the United States. So we will be having a news conference later.

I’m also meeting with the pharmaceutical companies later on this afternoon. We have a big meeting with the biggest companies. Really, the most powerful companies — hopefully the smartest companies — anywhere in the world when it comes to drugs and vaccines, because we’re talking about a vaccine. Maybe a cure; it’s possible. So we’ll see about that. But we’re talking about a vaccine. And they’re moving along very quickly. All of the pharmaceutical companies are moving along very quickly.

But you’ll be invited to a part of that meeting, so we’ll see you a little bit later on in the afternoon. And thank you all very much. Thank you.

Q President Trump, what do you think about the efforts of Colombian government to fight against drugs? Do you agree with the aerial spraying with glyphosate?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, you’re going to have to spray. If you don’t spray, you’re not going to get rid of them. So you have to spray, with regard to the drugs in Colombia. Yeah.

Q Are you going to talk about Venezuela?

PRESIDENT DUQUE: And let me —

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Yes, we will.

PRESIDENT DUQUE: — add something that is very important. We have to combine all the elements that we have: obviously, precision spraying, but also the record highs that we reached in 2019 on manual eradication and also dismantling the drug cartels.

So we have to work on all the elements, and we have to be very strong against crime. That crime is hurting our people and it’s hurting people everywhere. And we need to work jointly in that effort, as we have been doing so far.

Q Regarding Venezuela, what’s next steps from the United States, helping the region?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: We’re talking about Venezuela. One of the things we’re talking about is Venezuela. A big subject for us. And they’re treating the people of Venezuela unbelievably badly. They don’t have water, they don’t have food. They don’t have anything. And we are talking about that. That’s a big — that’s a big topic of discussion.

Yes, Steve?

Q What do you want to hear from —

PRESIDENT DUQUE: Mr. President, if I may add something to that.

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Yes, please.

PRESIDENT DUQUE: It’s very important that we are stronger on sanctions against a dictatorship in Venezuela. Venezuela is running out of things. They have destroyed all the healthcare system. So we have to, in this year, work together jointly so there’s a political and democratic transition that is effective in Venezuela.

Q What do you want to hear from pharmaceutical executives about the vaccine?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we’re talking. You know, this meeting was set up before, and that was about drug pricing. This meeting was set up a long time ago with the pharmaceutical companies. And that meeting was about drug pricing, because we brought the numbers down last year — first time in 51 years that the drug prices, prescription, have come down.

And I have a meeting scheduled on drug prices, but now we’re going to make another subject and that will be — probably the first subject of that has to do with the vaccine, how are they doing.

Q Is it possible to accelerate the development of the vaccine?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, that’s what we’re going to find out. We’ll know that.

Q Dr. Fauci has said it could take a year.

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we’ve asked them to accelerate whatever they’re doing, in terms of a vaccine. Absolutely.

Q Mr. President, is it safe or appropriate to be holding rallies during a public health crisis like this?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, these were set up a long time ago. And others are. I mean, you could ask that to the Democrats because they’re having a lot of rallies. They’re all having rallies. That’s what they’re doing. They’re campaigning.

Q But do you think it’s safe? Are you worried at all?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: I think it’s very safe. Yeah. I think it’s very safe.

Q Mr. President, do you think that the inter-Afghan talks are going to actually start on the —

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Say it?

Q Do you think that the inter-Afghan talks are really going to start as planned on (inaudible)?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we’re going to find out. But we’re getting out. We want to get out. We had good meetings with the Taliban. And we are going to be leaving, and we’re going to be bringing our soldiers back home. We’ve been there for almost 20 years. It’s a long time. We’ve done a great job in terms of getting rid of terrorists. Now it’s up to other countries to get rid of those terrorists.

Q What if the violence picks back up again?

PRESIDENT TRUMP: Well, we’re going to meet. We have discussions to go. But we’ve made a lot of progress. Okay? Thank you.

Thank you all very much. See you later.

END 10:47 A.M. EST

China’s Silent Takeover While America’s Elite Slept


Former Brigadier General Robert Spalding full interview with Patrick Bet-David. Read Stealth War https://amzn.to/34ypyuo China’s Silent Takeover While Americas Elite Slept. Share your thoughts with Patrick Bet-David by texting 310.340.1132 or send a tweet to https://www.twitter.com/patrickbetdavid About Robert Spalding: Brig. Gen. Robert S. Spalding III assumed the duties of Special Assistant to the U.S. Air Force Vice Chief of Staff in February 2018. Subscribe to Valuetainment for all new updates http://bit.ly/2aPEwD4 To reach the Valuetainment team you can email: info@valuetainment.com

 

Sunday Talks: Secretary Mike Pompeo -vs- Margaret Brennan – Afghan Peace Deal…


Secretary of State Mike Pompeo appears on Face The Nation with Margaret Brennan to discuss the negotiated peace agreement between the U.S. and Taliban in Afghanistan.

The 2020 Election


What is very interesting is that Trump would even do such an advertisement. The Democrats have organized themselves into “The Resistance” to sabotage President Trump. This is really a major confrontation for Democracy is dead and indeed the press has lost all integrity and is no longer balanced. Many are confused. Why do the Democrats hate Trump so much? It certainly seems that they are so against him because he cannot be bribed and is such is overturning their feeding trough.

There are many people that wonder what is going on. This advertisement is truly amazing insofar it is exposing a lot of issues that many people find questionable. There are some entities that Trump points out in this advertisement from Sorors to the bankers who I can personally attest have been engaged in trading markets for major gains and rely on the SEC and CFTC to always look the other way. Some banks have been paying bribes to achieve their goals in markets. I have called them “The Club” for they were outright soliciting me to join.

This 2020 election will be different. It will be very interesting, to say the least.

U.S. and Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Sign Joint Peace Agreement – U.S. Military Will Reduce Military Forces…


The United States and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (Taliban) have signed a peace agreement to end the nineteen-year war in Afghanistan.  [Details Here]  During the signing ceremony Secretary of State Mike Pompeo delivered the following remarks.

[Video and Transcript]

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[Transcript] – SECRETARY POMPEO: Good afternoon. I want to start by thanking His Highness Sheikh Tamim for Qatar’s invaluable role as host of these historic talks. His unstinting support, and yours foreign minister, have supported both sides and allowed them to reach this momentous day.

The United States and the Taliban have endured decades of hostility and mistrust. Previous talks have faltered. This effort only became real for the United States when the Taliban signaled interest in pursuing peace and ending their relationship with al-Qaida and other foreign terrorist groups. They also recognized that military victory was impossible. I then asked Ambassador Khalilzad to serve as our lead negotiator to gauge the Taliban’s sincerity.

The agreement that we will sign today is the true test of this effort. We will closely watch the Taliban’s compliance with their commitments and calibrate the pace of our withdrawal to their actions. This is how we will ensure that Afghanistan never again serves as a base for international terrorists.

The negotiation process in Doha, with all of its twists and turns, has shown it is possible for us to take this step together. Over the past seven days, violence levels have reached their lowest point in the last four years. U.S. and Afghan forces responded to the reduced enemy attacks by also respecting peace. It was not perfect, but the Taliban demonstrated, even if only for a week, that when they have the will to be peaceful, they can be.

The Afghan people have rejoiced. They are moving freely about the country to visit family and friends. They’re trading. They’re even dancing in the streets. But we’re just at the beginning. Furthering the cause of peace will require serious work and sacrifice by all sides – the United States, the coalition, the Taliban, the Afghan Government, other Afghan leaders, and the Afghan people themselves – to maintain the momentum needed to reach a comprehensive, inclusive, and durable peace.

This agreement will mean nothing, and today’s good feelings will not last, if we don’t take concrete actions on commitments and promises that have been made. When it comes down to it, the future of Afghanistan is for Afghans to determine. The U.S.-Taliban deal creates the conditions for Afghans to do just that.

Here’s our take. Here’s our take on what steps by the Taliban will make this agreement a success.

First, keep your promises to cut ties with al-Qaida and other terrorists. Keep up the fight to defeat ISIS. Welcome the profound relief of all Afghan citizens – men and women, urban and rural – as a result of this past week’s massive reduction in violence and dedicate yourselves to continued reductions. It is this significant de-escalation of violence that will create the conditions for peace, and the absence of it, the conditions and cause for failure. All Afghans deserve to live and prosper without fear.

Sit down with the Afghan Government, other Afghan political leaders, and civil society, and start the difficult conversations on a political roadmap for your country. Exercise patience, even when there is frustration. Honor the rich diversity of your country and make room for all views. Afghan governments have failed because they weren’t sufficiently inclusive.

The Afghan Government of 2020, and indeed the Afghanistan of 2020, is not the same as in 2001. Embrace the historic progress obtained for women and girls and build on it for the benefit of all Afghans. The future of Afghanistan ought to draw on the God-given potential of every single person.

If you take these steps, if you stay the course and remain committed to negotiations with the Afghan Government and other Afghan partners, we and the rest of the international community assembled here today stand ready to reciprocate.

I know there will be a temptation to declare victory. But victory – victory for Afghans – will only be achieved when they can live in peace and prosper. Victory for the United States will only be achieved when Americans and our allies no longer have to fear a terrorist threat from Afghanistan, and we will do whatever it takes to protect our people.

The United States will press all sides to stay focused on the goal of a peaceful, prosperous, and sovereign Afghanistan and an Afghanistan free of malign foreign interference where all voices and communities are heard and are represented. This is the only way – this is the only way – a sustainable peace can be achieved. And for all of us here, and most importantly for the security of the American and Afghan people, this must happen.

Thank you. (Applause.)

[End Transcript]

[Agreement Link] – [Signed Agreement Link]

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Following the official signing ceremony U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo held a news conference to discuss details of the peace agreement between Washington and the Taliban.

[Video and Transcript]

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[Transcript] – SECRETARY POMPEO: Good afternoon, everyone. Today is an historic day for the United States of America and the American people. Today, we have taken a decisive step toward peace, real peace in Afghanistan. Just as any worthy journey begins, it is a first step.

Nearly 19 years ago, America embarked on a noble mission to mightily pursue the terrorist perpetrators of the September 11th attacks and their evil supporters and to prevent such a heinous attack from ever happening again. We have achieved great things. We have ensured Afghanistan isn’t a haven for terrorists who can attack us, and we have bettered the lives of Afghan people, for which we are very proud.

Today, political debate in Afghanistan is free and vigorous. Today, more than 9 million students are enrolled in school; 39 percent of them are girls. Today, more than 57 percent of Afghans have access to basic health care, compared to just 9 percent in 2002. And al-Qaida – al-Qaida today – is a shadow of its former self. We have decimated its leadership and now have the Taliban agreeing that al-Qaida must never again find safe haven in Afghanistan.

But just as Afghanistan today isn’t the Afghanistan of 2001, the world of 2020 isn’t the world of 2001 either. Today, the United States faces national security challenges that weren’t even imagined a few years ago, from Iran, from China, from Russia, and elsewhere. President Trump has recognized this new reality. He also saw that our sacrifices and gains in Afghanistan and realized the hard truth that a comprehensive, inclusive, durable peace could only be secured by the Afghan people themselves.

Today, we are realistic. We are seizing the best opportunity for peace in a generation, built on the hard work of our soldiers, diplomats, businessmen, aid workers, friends, and the Afghans themselves.

Today, we are restrained. We recognize America shouldn’t fight in perpetuity in the graveyard of empires if we can help Afghans forge peace.

And we have respect. We believe that the Afghan people are ready to chart their own course forward.

Today, following the first ever weeklong break in fighting in nearly 19 years, I am proud to announce that the United States has secured separate commitments from the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan and the Taliban to hold negotiations for peace.

Very importantly, the U.S.-Taliban agreement entails a promise from the Taliban that terrorists can never again operate from Afghan soil. We make no mistake; the chapter of American history on the Taliban is written in blood that killed many Americans, NATO allies, coalition partners, and many Afghans.

I am just as angry over 9/11 as I was the day I watched al-Qaida knock down the Twin Towers on TV. Our valiant servicemembers, intelligence warriors, and world-class diplomats who have served in Kandahar and in Helmand and all over Afghanistan know firsthand what I mean. They know what I mean exactly.

And we know exactly who we’re dealing with. If the Taliban do not uphold their commitments, President Trump and his team will not hesitate to do what we must do to protect American lives.

If, on the other hand, the Taliban abide by their promises, the United States will undertake a responsible, conditions-based troop withdrawal. That withdrawal means that our men and women in uniform will incur fewer risks, our financial burden will be eased, and our brave troops will return home.

This is a hopeful moment, but it’s only the beginning. There is a great deal of hard work ahead on the diplomatic front.

Finally, let me speak directly to those invested in Afghanistan.

First, to America’s military and intelligence warriors, I know that some of you may be on your fifth or sixth tours of duty, maybe even more, far from the comforts of home. As the CIA director, it was my honor to join you in dealing blow after blow to this vicious enemy. Many of you wear black and silver bracelets in tribute to your brothers and sisters who died so that your countrymen might live in peace and security.

We will not squander what they and you have won through blood, sweat, and tears. You’ve kept America safe alongside our allies and Afghan partners. You’ve helped give the people of Afghanistan this opportunity for a brighter future.

Second, to our NATO allies and other coalition partners who have sacrificed right alongside of us, we will continue to look to you and to all countries which support these agreements to help maintain this nascent peace. Whether it’s Norway or Australia or Japan or any of our other valued friends and partners, we know you share our cautious hope.

To Afghanistan’s neighbors, including Pakistan, we thank you for your efforts in helping reach these historic agreements and make clear our expectation that you will continue to do your part to promote a peaceful and prosperous Afghanistan so that the country and region can reap the benefits of lasting peace.

And to the Afghan people, this is your moment. Wars have tortured your country since 1979. No more violence. No more chaos. We’ll listen, listen to the voices of all – young and old, men and women, from every region, from every tribe, from every ethnicity, and from every religion. Factions will undoubtedly emerge that want to spoil our good work. We must call them out and reject their schemes for discord.

I’ll close by urging all parties to heed the wisdom of the pursuit of peace that’s found in Scripture: “Whoever of you loves life and desires to see many good days, keep your tongue from evil and your lips from telling lies; turn from evil and do good; seek peace and pursue it.”

Today, we have sought peace. We will continue to pursue it. Thank you, and I am happy to take a few questions.

♦MS ORTAGUS: Thanks. We’ll start with Francesco Fontemaggi, AFP.

♦QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. I wanted to know exactly what will make you stop the withdrawal if the Talibans don’t respect their agreement. Is it counterterrorism commitments, or is it the outcome of the negotiations, intra-Afghan negotiation, meaning that the timeline for the complete withdrawal is 14 months? Would they have to complete an agreement, intra-Afghan agreement by then, or just make progress in their negotiations? Thank you.

SECRETARY POMPEO: So we’ve spent many months getting to where we are today, and there are a set of interlocking understandings, implementation agreements, that are clearly spelled out. I am confident that each party that’s been part of this – the Afghan Government, ourselves, the Taliban – understands precisely the commitments that they have made and the response – not only the response about the speed and magnitude of the withdrawal of not only American but coalition forces, but the other elements of support that the United States provide. We’ve made commitments to continue to provide that security assurances for the Afghan Government, but it is our very expectation that the Taliban will live up to their commitments.

But no one should be surprised. The United States will do whatever it takes to keep the American people safe. And so to the extent the Taliban fail to live up to their commitments, President Trump is as committed to peace as he is to ensuring that the American people never suffer an attack again from Afghanistan.

MS ORTAGUS: Thanks. We’ll have Qatar TV now, Abdulla Al-Muraiki.

♦QUESTION: (Via interpreter) I’ll just translate very quick. How do you —

SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you.

♦QUESTION: (Via interpreter) Your Excellency, how do you assess the role of Qatar as an ally to the United States in various issues in the region and beyond?

SECRETARY POMPEO: So the nation of Qatar has been an enormously important partner to get us to this very moment. When we have hit bumps in the road, they have helped smooth them out. They have agreed to host a significant piece of the conversations that have taken place that have built out on the set of agreements that you see today. We appreciate that and we thank them.

I had a chance to meet with the Amir as well as with my counterpart today to thank them for the work that they have done as well as to make clear to them that we have every expectation they will continue to help us as we move along this path towards peace. They have been great partners in getting to this point, and we’re counting on them to continue their efforts to deliver for the Afghan people this enormous opportunity that this moment brings.

MS ORTAGUS: Thank you. Christina Ruffini, CBS News.

♦QUESTION: Thank you, Mr. Secretary. Secretary Esper, as everyone knows, is in Kabul signing a joint declaration with President Ghani, and I am wondering if that means that the U.S., that you recognize his election victory, because the statement that came out from the State Department said it was noted, but are you recognizing him as the president of Afghanistan going forward?

And my second question is: Why did you feel the need to be here to be present at the signing today, and why come all the way here and not sign the document yourself? Thank you, sir.

SECRETARY POMPEO: Yeah, the document was signed by the two gentlemen who had worked so diligently to execute it, who had worked tirelessly, who had sacrificed so much of their time and effort and who’d put the real energy into being on the ground to get us to this point. It was appropriate that the two negotiators, the two senior negotiators, execute the document that they had delivered for the benefit of the Afghan people.

I wanted to be here because this is a historic moment. This is a historic opportunity. I served as a soldier. I know the sacrifices that so many of our young men and women have made in Afghanistan, and I am determined – I am determined – to reduce their risk, to create fewer young men and women who are on their fourth and fifth and six trip to Afghanistan. I am determined to ensure that there are fewer young men and women sitting at Walter Reed and there are fewer young men and women that never return home to their families.

And that I am equally determined to make sure that there is never again a terror attack from Afghanistan. And I think we now sit on the precipice of a real opportunity, and I want to make sure that I personally do everything that I can to help our State Department get off on the right foot as we begin the difficult diplomatic effort that can lead to this peace that we’re seeking.

I talked for a moment about the changes, the transitions that have taken place in Afghanistan during our time there. This is a very different country than it was when the United States went there to seek revenge for what happened in New York on 9/11. This country is very different. We’ve done enormous work.

The American people have sacrificed a great deal, not only the blood of our soldiers but resources, time, all of the work that the intelligence teams, our diplomats have done on the ground. I wanted to be here to express my appreciation for all we have done over these decades and then to make sure that everyone understood how important this is to get this right, to be here to communicate that the United States is committed to helping the Afghans push this process forward.

Your first question really gets to the political process inside of Afghanistan. We’re going to need every Afghani to join in. I talked about this in my remarks. They’re all going to have to be committed. They’re all going to understand there is something far bigger than being about themselves. They’ve got to deliver for the Afghan people.

The Afghan people want peace. You can see it. If you saw the pictures, Christina, from this week, it was glorious to watch Afghan people walking through the streets – they haven’t been able to do that – to see them dancing and celebrating peace.

The Afghan people are thirsting for the very opportunity that we have now presented to them, and every Afghan leader needs to look deep into their soul and deliver this peace for Afghanistan. It is time. The opportunity is in front of us.

We now have commitments from the Taliban to break with al-Qaida. This is historic. They need to live up to those commitments. They’ve made commitments to continue to reduce the violence level. They need to live up to those commitments.

When they do that, they will find that there is opportunity in this place, that the international community is demanding that Afghanistan be a peaceful place, and the Afghan people richly deserve the opportunity that has been created today. And I wanted to be here to communicate that.

Thank you all very much for being with me today.

[End Transcript]

President Trump Speech to CPAC 2020 – 3:15pm Livestream….


President Trump is scheduled to deliver remarks to the audience at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC 2020) this afternoon.  The speech was initially scheduled at 3:00pm ET; however, there is a delay due to earlier press briefing.

White House Livestream – NBC Livestream Link – Alternate Livestream Link

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President Trump Nominates John Ratcliffe for Director of National Intelligence – Ramifications…


Quite a bit to unpack here, and most of it is very good news.  First, this re-nomination was almost predictable when you look at the totality of the landscape:

President Trump needed to generate an official DNI nomination in order to retain the current acting DNI authorities for Richard “Ric” Grenell; so that’s one aspect.

However, beyond the procedural move there’s the larger background of the FISA reauthorization; and, in my opinion, that larger dynamic is the majority consideration.

The FISA reauthorization and the need for President Trump to support any type of reauthorization that eventually gets through the complex political dynamics within congress; and considering Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell traveled to the White House to discuss this issue yesterday; the outcome is considerable leverage for Trump.

On July 28, 2019, President Trump first nominated John Ratcliffe for the ODNI position to replace former DNI Dan Coats.  However, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence headed by Chairman Richard Burr and Vice-Chairman Mark Warner, informed the White House they would not support Ratcliffe.  Burr and Warner would not have made such a bold statement to undercut the nomination without approval from Mitch McConnell.

The epicenter of the deepest defensive mechanism of the Deep State is the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI).  The SSCI is the bunker, the intelligence manipulation operations headquarters. The SSCI is where the political nuclear weapons (black files and IC gathered political surveillance research) are housed.  As a direct consequence the SSCI is the most corrupt and manipulative committee in all of congress.  The SSCI also controls all nominations within the intelligence community (DNI, CIA, NSA, DOJ-NSD, etc).

As a result of Senator Burr and Senator Warner undermining Ratcliffe, on August 2, 2019, the Ratcliffe nomination was reluctantly withdrawn.

After the Ratcliffe nomination was withdrawn, President Trump was then dragged into the House impeachment effort.  In hindsight it is clear the SSCI position of Burr and Warner was partly due to their desire to watch and see whether the impeachment effort would be successful.   [August ’19 through February ’20 the impeachment effort was tried.]

Representative John Ratcliffe was/is a key member of the House who has investigated the details of the DOJ and FBI intelligence abuse during the 2016 election. Factually, Ratcliffe is one of only four high-clearance House members who had seen all of the unredacted and classified documents associated with the DOJ and FBI activity. [Ratcliffe, Gowdy, Goodlatte and Schiff]

In November of 2019 buried deep in the congressional budget Continuing Resolution (CR) was a short-term extension to reauthorize the FISA “business records provision”, the “roving wiretap” provision, the “lone wolf” provision, and the more controversial bulk metadata provisions [Call Detail Records (CDR)], all parts of the Patriot Act.  As a result of the FISA CR inclusion the terminal deadline was pushed to March 15, 2020.

On December 9, 2019, the DOJ Inspector General report on FISA abuse was released to the public.  Within the IG FISA report the prior statements of John Ratcliffe about the FISA abuse scandal were proven to be exactly correct.  Additionally, the severity of the FISA abuse, including the intentional manipulation of evidence by the FBI, was far more serious and substantive than anyone thought.

While the FISA issues were being investigated congress punted the reauthorization of FISA to March 15. There is a current debate on whether those FISA authorities should be reauthorized.

Representatives requesting FISA reform prior to renewal include: Mark Meadows, Jim Jordan, Doug Collins, Jody Rice, Devin Nunes and Steve Scalise. Additionally, Senator Mike Lee and Senator Rand Paul are trying to force reform or let the current version expire. However, Lindsey Graham and Mitch McConnell, along with AG Bill Barr, want a clean FISA renewal without public hearings….

It is into this debate where President Trump’s support becomes critical.  Yesterday:

Within the overall dynamic we can see where President Trump would gain leverage on Senate Leader Mitch McConnell over the FISA reauthorization issue.  McConnell wants FISA reauthorized… President Trump wants John Ratcliffe as ODNI.

With that in mind, CTH presented the possibility:

Should Trump cut a deal with McConnell: Support for FISA reauthorization in exchange for Ratcliffe as ODNI?  As you can see from our poll opinions were split with a slight advantage toward making the deal.

Personally, inasmuch as I hate-hate-hate the thought of FISA being renewed in its current context, I am cautiously okay with a deal because I trust current CIA Director Gina Haspel, current ICIG Michael Atkinson, current DoS Secretary Mike Pompeo and current DoD Joint Chief’s Chair Mark Milley, about as far as I can spit while facing a hurricane.

Having John Ratcliffe as ODNI at least provides President Donald Trump with control at the intelligence hub.  If DNI Ratcliffe can then help to remove corrupt schemer Michael Atkinson (ICIG), even better.

The position of DNI is critical within the intelligence community.  Essentially the Office of the Director of National Intelligence is the boss of the CIA Director and NSA Director; and the ODNI handles the flow of classified intelligence; and, importantly, the declassification of information to provide public sunlight.

In the position of DNI John Ratcliffe would have the ability to reach out into any intelligence compartment, retrieve and then declassify any/all documents that might be used to show the gross abuses of power by prior intelligence officials.  [Acting DNI Ric Grenell also has that current authority.]  The information within reach is the risk SSCI Chairman Senator Burr and Vice-Chair Warner have attempted to control.

It is likely President Trump would NOT be nominating John Ratcliffe today if he did not have the support of Mitch McConnell; and McConnell’s assurances the SSCI would not attempt to block the nomination this time.

Yes, it is possible President Trump would make the nomination without McConnell’s nod.  However, that approach would mean Trump is about to enter an all-out war against Republicans in the Senate….. not terribly likely in an election year.

What is most likely is that President Trump used the leverage he carries within the FISA authorization issue to get McConnell to agree to the deal:  FISA for Ratcliffe.

Now we wait to see the details; whether it’s a short-term FISA reauthorization, and what are the changed terms -if any- within the authority.

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